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"id": 513,
"title": "The former Grave Maurice public house, 269 Whitechapel Road",
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"body": "<p>A pub called the Grave Maurice was present on this site by the 1720s on a lease dating from 1670. The name, probably commemorating Prince Maurice of the Palatinate, who fought on the Royalist side in the English Civil War, suggests seventeenth-century origins. Joseph Fairfax was the proprietor by 1730. After his death in 1749, his son, Robert Fairfax, followed and in 1754 married Ruth Ireland, the sister or niece of Samuel Ireland, who developed the property lying westwards after 1767, when other property of Ireland’s was auctioned from the pub.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>What had already been a large pub was rebuilt in its surviving form in 1873–4, possibly anticipating the arrival of the East London Railway. The proprietor was John Billinghurst of the George Hotel on the Strand, and his builder was Robert Mann of Kentish Town. The name and date are still prominent in the window aprons under the upper storey, amid polychrome brickwork that includes gauged arched heads in a double-storey arcade. There were additions to the rear in 1936, for Truman Hanbury and Buxton Ltd. The Grave Maurice is said to have been frequented by the Kray brothers in the 1950s and early 1960s. It closed in 2010 and by 2014 had been converted for two shops below flats.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives, M/93/430; MR/LV/05/026; Land Tax returns: The National Archives, PROB11/1141/310: Ancestry: <em>Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser</em>, 24 Feb 1767</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: District Surveyors Returns: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, L/THL/D/2/30/171: information from Stephen Harris: Tower Hamlets planning applications</p>\n",
"created": "2017-11-28",
"last_edited": "2019-01-09"
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{
"id": 717,
"title": "95-6 Whitechapel High Street",
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"body": "<p>This was a postwar repair of 1954-5 by Trehearne and Norman, Preston and Partners, architects, for Barclays Bank of a substantial Edwardian commercial building they had adapted for the bank in 1937-8. Only the third and fourth floors were completely rebuilt (the second floor refaced and metal windows in concrete surrounds inserted to match the new Utility design) which may explain why it has slightly more architectural presence than the other High Street postwar rebuildings. It also retains the two-storey back extension of the previous building.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>The design carried up the surviving canted central oriel from second to fourth floors, but whereas the Edwardian building was topped by a gable, this ends at a simple cornice. The 1903 building had typical large plate-glass display windows to the first floor, but these had been replaced in 1937-8 during adaptation to a bank with offices above. The western edges of the new building in 1955 were keyed for the rebuilding of neighbouring No. 97, a rebuilding that, sixty years on, has yet to happen.</p>\n\n<p>The building of 1902-3 was erected by G. Munday & Sons, builders of Trinity Square in the City, to the designs of Harrington & Ley, architects. The client was ‘Sir J. Baker’, probably the Portsmouth MP, outfitter and hosier, who had held 95 Whitechapel High Street from 1872.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>It replaced two separate two-storey shop-houses, possibly built by Edward Hawkins in the eighteenth century. In 1797, when it was sold following the bankruptcy of its occupant, Thomas Fane, an upholsterer, No. 95 was described as ‘recently modernised, and put in substantial repair’, with a backshop, stable, chaise house and loft over accessed from Spread Eagle Yard, whose entrance it adjoined.[^3] By 1895 its front was ornamented with three giant-order pilasters.[^4] No 96, hemmed in on three sides, was coffee rooms in the 1850s until 1865 when it became R&J Dick’s shoe warehouse, whose burning down in 1900 may have prompted Baker’s rebuilding.[^5]</p>\n\n<p>After Baker’s death in 1909, the shop closed and rag-trade wholesalers took over, with offices and tailoring workshops above. In 1921 68 people, mostly women, were employed in the workshops.[^6] Barclays remained in the war-damaged building till the rebuilding remained there till the 1990s. In 2013 the basement, ground and first floors were converted to restaurant use (Moe’s Diner) and the top floor into two studio flats, with offices in between.[^7] </p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), Building Control file 15650 loc 149</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: Post Office Directories : London Metropolitan Archives, District Surveyor's Returns: Alexandra S. Rosser, 'Businessmen in the House of Commons: A Comparative Study of the 1852-1857 and 1895-1900 Parliaments', PhD, U. Kansas, 2009, p. 148</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: <em>Morning Chronicle</em>, 7 May 1797: <em>Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser</em>, 13 April 1807, p. 3: London Metropolitan Archives, MR/U/P/0159</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Historic England Archive, AL0035/056/03</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: <em>Pall Mall Gazette</em>, 11 Dec 1900, p. 8</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: THLHLA, Building Control file 15650 loc 149</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: Tower Hamlets planning applications online</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2018-07-13",
"last_edited": "2020-09-10"
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"title": "Swan Yard",
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"body": "<p>The earliest known occupation of the site that is now 15–25 Osborn Street was as a brewery attached to a High Street inn, the Swan with Two Necks, later the White Swan. There was a Swan alehouse in Whitechapel in the early fifteenth century, and the Swan brewhouse at this site is known from 1616, when it was enfranchised by James Enyon and Samuel Cranmer. Enyon (or Enion), whose origins were in Northamptonshire, had established himself as a brewer here some time previously. Cranmer (1575–1640) was another brewer and a City Alderman, also the great-great nephew of Archbishop Thomas Cranmer. In 1613 he married Margaret Alford, whose first husband, Philip, was Enyon’s nephew and business partner. Enyon had retired by 1617, and Cranmer was his executor when he died in 1623. Thus did Cranmer obtain effective control of the brewery. The land was an irregular rectangle, 240ft east to west, running from Dirty Lane to Angel Alley and about 150ft north to south. With the inn on the High Street and the brewhouse behind, it also took in two small houses ‘lately built’ to the rear and an acre and a half of garden ground north of that, which appears to coincide with the site of 17–25 Osborn Street extending back to Angel Alley.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>The brewery property, including the inn, was sold in 1656 to Richard Loton, who appears to have rebuilt on the High Street. A narrow alley, known later as Queen’s Place, ran through the White Swan (later 81 Whitechapel High Street) to the brewery yard. Loton oversaw redevelopment of the whole Swan Yard site, much of which was leased from the 1660s to Richard Darnelly, father and son, Nonconformists and a haberdasher and physician respectively. Among several houses on the east side of Angel Alley one, probably Loton’s own, was substantial. John Warren, a gardener, occupied a plot on Dirty Lane. Following Loton’s death in 1692 the whole property passed to his son Edward and grandson Samuel, both of whom were dead by 1698. Edward Loton sold the heavily mortgaged brewhouse and inn to John Pettitt, a citizen merchant tailor, in 1695. Pettitt leased the brewhouse with the High Street properties to Thomas Edwards, another brewer, for 31 years in 1701. Samuel Loton had bequeathed the rest of the holding, including the Darnelly portion, to his cousin Jeremy Mount in 1698, to discharge debts and pay legacies. By 1719 this property was occupied by Samuel Lane, a distiller and sugar refiner.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>From Thomas Edwards (d. 1717) the Swan brewery passed to his daughter Ann (d. 1761) and her husband, Francis Brownsword (d. 1737), ‘Master of the Swan Brewhouse … He was immensely rich and ‘tis reckon’d he died worth 100,000l’.[^3] The brewery was inherited by their daughter Sarah Bullock in 1761, whose sons Francis and Thomas ran it, Thomas expanding the enterprise considerably after Francis’s death in 1785, by when Dirty Lane had been widened to be Osborn Street. By 1794 the brewery was in the hands of another brother, Henry Bullock (d. 1805), who ran up large debts. A partnership with John and Alexander Anderson and William Watson in 1800 could not stem the decline. Bullock’s will of 1803 was not settled until 1817 by which time two of his partners had also died and the survivor, Alexander Anderson, was also bankrupt. The same fate befell the next brewer–lessee, John Cumming, in 1818.[^4] </p>\n\n<p>With small-scale brewing becoming ever less viable, the lease of the yard was offered for sale in 1819. The property, consisting of ‘a brewing office, malt and hop lofts, running stories, store cellars, stabling and forage lofts, a spacious yard in which is a counting house, and an arrangement of minor offices’, was described as ‘convertible at a very inconsiderable expence to the purposes of any business requiring room’.[^5] Brewing did continue on a reduced scale, but with apparently no more success, as new brewers regularly appeared and disappeared. At least two – Charles Young, in 1830, and William Filmer and William Smith Gooding, in 1842 – also fell bankrupt. By 1843 brewery plant had been sold off and one of the main buildings was in use as a shooting gallery, to the annoyance of neighbours.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>The freehold of Swan Yard (excluding part held by Richard Coope) and the former inn had been acquired by 1847 by Samuel Pedley, of a family of cordwainers long-established in Whitechapel. It remained with his family into the 1930s. The empty brewhouse was either reduced or demolished and rebuilt on a smaller scale. A huge fire on Coope’s property in 1852 damaged several Swan Yard buildings, including that on the brewhouse site which had come to be occupied by John Mills, a steam-engine boilermaker, with an adjoining house, later 15 Osborn Street, a six-room part-timber-fronted cottage. Those buildings were later used by the Sugar Refining Co. Ltd, and then by a carman. Much at this south end of the yard was demolished in 1897 for the building of the Whitechapel Gallery. Shortly before the First World War what was left of the yard was assessed as ‘very old, dilapidated, and the buildings per se are practically of no value’.[^7] </p>\n\n<p>Other buildings in the yard had been adapted to other uses before the demise of the brewery. A southerly warehouse, sold off in 1818 with 77–80 Whitechapel High Street, was used thereafter as storage for a greengrocer’s premises at No. 79. By 1831 there was a small foundry (Deeley and Clarke’s) in the middle of the yard. This and a house fronting Osborn Street at the corner of the Swan Yard entrance (later No. 17) were taken over in 1844 by Thomas Amor, a brass founder specialising in brass cocks for the brewing industry; he was also a Muggletonian.[^8] Amor rebuilt around 1854 to form a turnery and forge at the back of the site, with a double-fronted two-storey shophouse to the street. By the 1880s, Amor’s firm was providing fittings for machinery used by ‘brewers, distillers, soap boilers, hospitals and parish unions’.[^9] The business passed into the ownership of J. H. Swiney from around 1886 till Thomas Noakes & Sons, engineers, took over in 1911. They remained into the 1920s when the main building became a second-hand furniture warehouse. War-time destruction extended to the house at No. 17.[^10]</p>\n\n<p>In 1819 a large building on the north side of Swan Yard (later 21 Osborn Street) that survives in much-altered form became the iron foundry of Henry Welland, a whitesmith previously in Red Lion Street. It continued in like use under Ward and Ainger, Ainger and Handyside, Samuel and William Standing (employing sixty men in 1851), Joseph Bolton Doe and, finally from 1871, John Warner (1843–1923), a cousin of the Warners who were brass and bellfounders on Jewin Crescent and Spelman Street, and of Metford and Henry Warner in Kent and Essex Yard. The foundry and smaller buildings west and south were partly rebuilt in the 1930s and remained part of John Warner Ltd until about 1941 when much of Swan Yard was badly damaged in the Blitz.[^11] No. 19, adjoining the entrance to Warner’s foundry on one side and Amor’s premises on the other, had been rebuilt in 1873 as a three-storey rag warehouse, occupied in the 1890s by Wettmann & Co. who diversified into confectionery manufacturing.[^12] </p>\n\n<p>The Osborn Street frontage of Swan Yard, which included ancillary brewery buildings and houses until 1819, was thereafter a mix of small houses and shophouses mostly associated with the businesses behind.[^13] This began to change in 1861 when a large four-storey building with a 35ft frontage and large windows went up in front of the iron foundry, on the site of 23 Osborn Street, as a warehouse and tailoring workshop for the outfitters Hyam & Co. Ltd, then rebuilding their Oxford Street premises in high style.[^14] Hyams left the building by 1905 after which it had varied uses, including from the late 1920s as offices for the Grand Order of Sons of Jacob (Grand Order) Friendly Society, offering financial help to distressed Jews. This building also succumbed to the Blitz.[^15] The adjoining site at No. 25, historically part of the brewhouse holding, became part of Stepney Borough’s electricity substation in 1928.</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), LMA/4453/F/01/001: Ancestry: ed. R. E. C. Waters, <em>Genealogical Memoirs of the Extinct Family of Chester of Chicheley, their Ancestors and Descendants</em>, vol.2, 1878, pp.451–7: The National Archives (TNA), PROB11/142/355</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: LMA, LMA/4453/F/01/001; DL/C/0422/001/21–2: TNA, PROB11/324/373; PROB11/361/97; C7/235/50; C10/436/24: 4s£: Ancestry</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: <em>Derby Mercury</em>, 14 April 1737, p.4: Ancestry</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), C/OFR/2/1: Ancestry: LMA, Land Tax Returns (LT): ed. E. D. Ingraham, <em>Reports of Cases Decided in the High Court of Chancery in England</em>, vol.6, 1834, pp.123–6: TNA, PROB11/866/346</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 5 July 1819, p.3: <em>Morning Chronicle</em>, 9 Dec 1819, p.4</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 14 Jan 1842, p.1; 22 March 1842, p.4: <em>Shipping and Mercantile Gazette</em>, 10 Nov 1843, p.4</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: TNA, IR58/84800/1748–54: Ancestry: LT: THLHLA, P/SLC/2/16/35/1; L/SMB/C/1/2; WG/2/20/1–2; Building Control (BC) file 15077: Post Office Directories (POD)</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: William Lamont, <em>The Last Witnesses: The Muggletonian History, 1652–1979</em>, 2006: Juleen Audrey Eichinger, ‘The Muggletonians: A People Apart’, PhD dissertation, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, 1999, pp.88–9,100,181 </p>\n\n<p>[^9]: THLHLA, P/MIS/411/1/2; P/MIS/411/3/3–5; P/MIS/411/4/5: www.gracesguide.co.uk/File:Im1848Sl-Amor.jpg</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 10 Nov 1831, p.1: <em>East London Observer</em>, 22 Dec 1894, p.4; 14 Dec 1901, p.1: THLHLA, P/MIS/411/4/5; L/THL/D/2/30/110: TNA, IR58/84800/1752: POD</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: LT: POD: Census: LMA, District Surveyors Returns (DSR): Whitechapel Art Gallery Archives, EAR/1/1/9: THLHLA, BC file 14715: Ancestry: <a href=\"https://www.gracesguide.co.uk/John_Warner_and_Sons\">www.gracesguide.co.uk/John_Warner_and_Sons</a></p>\n\n<p>[^12]: DSR: POD: THLHLA, P/MIS/411/1/2</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: POD: LT: Census: THLHLA, P/MIS/411/1/1</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: Robert Halliday and Bernard Susser, ‘The Ipswich Jewish Communities in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries’, <em>Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology and History</em>, vol.40/2, 2002, pp.151,156: ed. Andrew Saint, <em>Survey of London</em>: vol. 53, <em>Oxford Street</em>, 2020</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: POD: THLHLA, L/SMB/D/4/8: <em>Jewish Chronicle</em>, 2 Sept 1988, p.3; THLHLA, BC file 14715</p>\n",
"created": "2019-10-04",
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"id": 1157,
"title": "J. Carter & Co., my grandfather's business",
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"body": "<p>My grandfather (also F. G. Bird), as J. Carter & Co., took on the lease of 15 Dock Street on the 1st January 1921. The immediate previous occupier was Smith's Tarpaulins of Hainault who used the middle block to stable their delivery horses.</p>\n\n<p>The buildings were owned by an old lady. I was given to suppose (true or false, I know not) that she was in business as an importer of animals for zoos. She died intestate and the property went into the hands of the Public Trustee and a sale to J. Carter & Co (Lime Street) Ltd was agreed in the mid 1950s.</p>\n\n<p><img alt=\"\" src=\"/media/uploads/2020/11/26/15dockst.JPG\">The lions on the entrance gate pillars were there in my grandfather's days, I have this photo of the company's horse-drawn pantechnicon standing in front of the building with the lions in evidence. The photo was taken in the 1930s with the motor van of those days, with the lions still in place.</p>\n\n<p>The 'Dining Rooms', as they were refered to, were sublet to them by J. Carter & Co before my time and I have no information about them.</p>\n\n<p>The company had a sub-tenant for a period before selling the freehold to Art for Offices and vacating the property.</p>\n",
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"body": "<p>The use of Wilton’s for (unheated) live performances was revived in 1997, when a production of T. S. Eliot’s <em>The Waste Land</em> by Deborah Warner with Fiona Shaw brought acclaim, in part on account of the hall’s attractive dereliction. With an eye on the recently established Heritage Lottery Fund as a possible source of largesse, the London Music Hall Trust restructured in 1998, setting up the Wellclose Square Building Preservation Trust to lease the property to the Broomhill Trust. Broomhill, a self-styled ‘radical opera company’ led by Mark Dornford-May, took on the management of Wilton’s, opening with a production of Kurt Weill’s <em>Silbersee</em>, translated by Rory Bremner as <em>Silverlake</em>, a story of murderous violence arising from lottery madness. Other productions followed with the idea that sustained use of the venue would stimulate funding for refurbishment works. Despite support from English Heritage and the Theatres Trust, plans by Pierce Hill Project Services Ltd for extensive alterations were stillborn and in 2003 Wilton’s was an unsuccessful finalist in BBC’s <em>Restoration </em>programme competition for funding. Bankruptcy loomed.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>In 2004 Broomhill moved to South Africa and David Pennock became Chairman and Frances Mayhew Artistic and Managing Director of what was now reformed once again as the Wilton’s Music Hall Trust. Prince Charles became the Trust’s patron but in 2007 a Heritage Lottery Fund application was turned down as premature, approval extending no further than a condition survey. Hugh Grant and Helen Mirren backed a fund-raising campaign and the National Trust considered acquiring Wilton’s.</p>\n\n<p>Regrouping under Mayhew’s leadership and with awareness of Wilton’s spreading all the time, in 2011 the twin trusts, lessee and freeholder, sought £2.4m from the Heritage Lottery Fund for a ‘Capital Project’, a programme of works estimated at £3.5m presented in a bid titled ‘Wilton’s Music Hall “Saved, Revealed and Alive”’. This proposed works in three phases to complete restoration of the hall then the houses, to be overseen by Tim Ronalds Architects, with Philip Cooper of Cambridge Architectural Research as structural engineer. Crisis loomed when the application was rejected, but a donation of £700k from SITA Trust and further contributions from other trusts, foundations and individuals to £1.1m permitted work to start on the first phase, the conservative repair of the hall/auditorium. This was carried out in 2012–13 with Fullers Builders as the main contractor. A revised application was thrown back to the Heritage Lottery Fund which now, in 2013, gave Wilton’s £1.9m of the £2.5m still needed. Numerous other funders made up the shortfall. Refurbishment of the houses was carried out in 2014–15, with William Anelay as contractors. Final total costs were just under £4m. Wilton’s Music Hall was declared fully open in September 2015 with a staging of <em>The Sting</em>.</p>\n\n<p>Faced with a largely unaltered Victorian music hall that had undergone piecemeal repairs, restorations and redecorations, and substantially altered, stripped-out houses, Tim Ronalds Architects adopted a conservative approach, stabilising not restoring, avoiding even redecoration in favour of leaving surfaces alone. Pragmatic exceptions were made in replacing the back stairs behind 4 Graces Alley and in mounting a new lantern over the main entrance. Elsewhere, the as-found ethos extended even to leaving <em>in situ</em>a bird’s nest uncovered during the works. Even so, the spaces in and behind the houses were brought back to full use. An irregular sequence of connected first-floor bars includes a ‘cabaret cocktail bar’. The Mahogany Bar was kept going, keeping its match-boarded ceiling and fragments of Victorian ornament, now with a bar that copies the hall’s balcony fronts, recycled from a production. The Heritage Lottery Fund support came on the back of strong commitments to community participation and learning, including an exhibition space on the ground floor in 3 Graces Alley.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Building Control file 26299: <em>Daily Telegraph</em>, 3 March 1999, p. 20: Theatres Trust Resource Centre (TTRC), John Earl, ‘Wilton’s Music Hall Conservation Plan’, 1999.</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: TTRC files: <em>Architects' Journal</em>, 12 Nov 2015: Carole Zeidman, ‘Wilton’s, a history of the hall and houses’, 2015, pp. 46–7.</p>\n",
"created": "2018-12-07",
"last_edited": "2021-08-06"
},
{
"id": 803,
"title": "Sloane Apartments",
"author": {
"id": 2,
"username": "surveyoflondon"
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"body": "<p>Sloane Apartments, part of the <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/1454/detail/#redevelopment-of-denning-point-and-the-new-holland-estate\">New Holland estate redevelopment</a>, forms a single rhomboid building with Ladbroke Court abutting the new Community Centre. The five-storey building contains 37 private, affordable-rent and shared-ownership flats, with recessed balconies, and a café on the ground floor. The block name ‘Sloane’, as with ‘Kensington’, with their desirable West End associations, was presumably chosen in order to boost sales to overseas buyers unfamiliar with the East End.</p>\n",
"created": "2018-12-16",
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{
"id": 245,
"title": "Some notes on the Lord Napier",
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"body": "<p>The earliest date I have for this pub is 1878, when Richard Bartlett was listed in the Post Office Directory as being a beer retailer at this address. A partial view of the pub can be seen in a photograph dated 1896, reproduced in the 1969 book 'Victorian & Edwardian London from old photographs' by John Betjeman. This confirms that the pub was trading as the Lord Napier at this time and that it sold beer from the Barclay Perkins Brewery of Southwark. The last date I have for the premises being in use as a pub is 1934, when it still traded with a beer retailer licence, as opposed to a full licence. It was listed in the Kelly's Directory of that year as being held by Charles Davis.</p>\n",
"created": "2016-12-19",
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"title": "Petticoat Lane's early history",
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"body": "<p>Petticoat Lane ‘is not what it used to be’.[^1] This lament has echoed through recent decades, as demography and shopping habits continue their perpetual churn, but it is older. An aura of nostalgia has clung to Petticoat Lane from its earliest times.[^2] In the 1590s John Stow bemoaned the transformation of Hog Lane, as it was then generally known: ‘This Hogge lane stretcheth North toward Saint Marie Spitle without Bishopsgate, and within these fortie yeares, had on both sides fayre hedgerowes of Elme trees, with Bridges and easie stiles to passe ouer into the pleasant fieldes, very commodious for Citizens therein to walke, shoote, and otherwise to recreate and refresh their dulled spirites in the sweete and wholesome ayre, which is nowe within few yeares made a continuall building throughout, of Garden houses, and small Cottages; and the fields on either side be turned into Garden plottes, teynter yardes, Bowling Allyes, and such like, from Houndes ditch in the West, so farre as white Chappell, and further towards the East.’[^3] </p>\n\n<p>This suggests both that the line of the street was built up between 1550 and 1600 and that the hinterland remained undeveloped. Stow is inexact, but it has been suggested that the reference to tenteryards refers to those created on the City side in the 1570s.[^4] Bowling is recorded in the 1530s in a nearby Whitechapel garden, and in the 1590s William Megges had a bowling alley at his great house to the east of Petticoat Lane.</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p><em>Hog Lane to Petticoat Lane</em></p>\n\n<p>The name ‘Petticoat Lane’ was in use by 1586, when two houses in ‘Petticote’ or ‘Pettycote’ Lane were to be searched in connection with the Babington plot that led to the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots.[^5] One of these houses was that of John Gage (b. 1563), the recusant grandson of Sir John Gage, Queen Elizabeth’s sometime chamberlain, and younger brother of Robert Gage who was executed for his part in the plot. </p>\n\n<p>Petticoat Lane appears to owe its name to a different kind of illicit activity. Hog Lane, even when still so called in the late sixteenth century, was the location of a well-known ‘disorderly’ house owned by John Holland, part of a ‘mobb’ with brothels dotted around London.[^6] In a pamphlet of 1591, Thomas Nashe (as ‘Adam Fouleweather’) wrote that ‘if the Beadelles of Bridewell be careful this summer it may be hoped that Peticote Lane may be less pestered with ill aires then it was woont: and the howses there so cleere clensed, that honest women may dwell there without any dread’.[^7] The following year, Robert Greene relayed a fictional tale of a confidence trick or ‘cross bite’ in a ‘Trugging house’ in ‘Petticote Lane’.[^8] In 1596 the libertine-turned-Catholic, Thomas Lodge, poured scorn on an imaginary ‘lord of all bawdy houses, & Patron of Peticote-lane’.[^9] </p>\n\n<p>A similar imputation of general disreputability occurs in 1601 in Thomas Middleton’s pamphlet <em>The Penniless Parliament of Threadbare Poets</em> which postulates as an implausible scenario that ‘men shall be so vent'rously given as they shall go into Petticoat Lane and yet come out again as honestly as they went first in’. There is a more specific suggestion that Petticoat Lane was a haunt of sexual vice in a pamphlet by Samuel Rowlands, based on the work of Robert Greene, about a ‘whore’, who, in a common trope, had tried to facilitate theft from a client in her lodging ‘which was in Peticote Lane’.[^10] The use of the word ‘petticoat’ for a prostitute and the substitution of ‘Petticoat Lane’ for ‘brothel houses’ in different editions of Middleton’s work have also been noted. The suggestion has further been made that the ‘Garden houses’ referred to by Stow were, in fact, these brothels.[^11] In 1632 Donald Lupton opined that Petticoat Lane and Rosemary Lane (another former Hog Lane that gained notoriety as a clothes market) housed populations of women who ‘traded on their bottom’.[^12]</p>\n\n<p>Such commentary does not constitute a dispassionate archival source, but while the accounts are undoubtedly embroidered for sensational effect, these allusions to a specific street, by several different authors, did not come from nowhere. They are sufficiently numerous, and consistent with late sixteenth-century Bridewell court records, which show Aldgate as one area where prostitution was concentrated, to allow the inference that the street’s name derived from the lewd associations of ‘petticoat’ rather than, anachronistically, from the area’s later popularity as a locus of trading in second-hand clothes.[^13] That must be noted because a literal interpretation of the word ‘petticoat’ has been conflated with the beginnings of the street market. No such link is necessary.</p>\n\n<p>What is not specified in these sources is what part of Petticoat Lane, which stretched from the junction with Whitechapel High Street north almost to Bishopsgate Street, is referred to in the allusions to bawdy houses. In Ben Jonson’s <em>The Devil is an Ass</em>, first performed in 1616, the character of Iniquity suggests he will ‘lead thee a daunce, through the streets ... Downe <em>Petticoate-lane</em>, and vp the <em>Smock-allies</em>’, which suggests an area further up the lane in Spitalfields, the location of Smock Alley.[^14] Other early references to ‘Peticote Lane’ merely as a street name occur in 1602 (specifying only that it is ‘in London’) and more precisely in 1604, when property, probably an inn, ‘on the east side of Petticoat Lane’, was held of Sir Thomas Bodley by John Wright, the innholder at the Crown in Aldgate High Street at his death in 1607.[^15] Little can be said about the lane’s early residents. In the 1750s William Maitland noted that the Whitechapel end of Petticoat Lane was ‘not mighty well [affluently] inhabited. Those of the most account are Horners, who prepare Horns for other petty Manufacturers.’[^16] This had been the case for nearly a century. Banished from the City, the noxious trade had concentrated around Petticoat Lane. The most substantial horner was George Harrison, resident in Petticoat Lane by 1666 until his death in 1706. He held several leases on the east side of Petticoat Lane around Tripe Yard and Swan Court, including that of his own house with a high rental value in 1693 of £50, as well as other leases in Old Montague Street and elsewhere in East London.[^17] Other houses of reasonable size, clustered in the centre of the Whitechapel stretch of Petticoat Lane, were occupied by horners in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, including William Axtell (d. 1690), Edward Edwards (d. 1727), William Layton (d. 1728) and John Abraham (1700–67).[^18] The only other substantial resident of this period seems to have been Edward Lloyd (<em>c.</em>1620–96), a ‘merchant … and late of Mary Land, planter’. Lloyd was an ambitious Puritan emigrant who had returned to England in 1668 and died in Petticoat Lane in possession of thousands of acres and many slaves in Maryland. He was resident in Black Bell Lane in a ‘Great Howse’ with a garden and orchard from 1689 to the end of his life.[^19]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p><em>Petticoat Lane to Middlesex Street</em></p>\n\n<p>The process of ‘pestering’ with tenements and courts that Stow bemoaned took off in Petticoat Lane around the time that the customs of the Manor changed in 1617, and proceeded apace throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. When William Browne acquired a Boar’s Head Yard holding in 1621, he already held land in Tripe Yard, a narrow alley that eventually connected with the north end of Boar’s Head Yard to occupy together more than a third of the Petticoat Lane hinterland between the High Street and Wentworth Street, with access to both the High Street and Petticoat Lane. </p>\n\n<p>By the 1670s there were more than 200 houses on the Whitechapel section of Petticoat Lane and the alleys and courts leading off it. Of those recorded fewer than twenty per cent had four or more hearths; more had only one. Typical perhaps of the two- or three-hearth houses was that leased in Boar’s Head Yard in 1669 to the horner William Axtell, whose larger principal dwelling fronted the lane. It was of brick, of four storeys including a cellar, with only one room on each floor.[^20] Hollar’s aerial ‘Surveigh’ of the post-Fire City of 1667 stretches as far as this corner of Whitechapel, and shows in a schematic but realistically representative manner a continuous line of two and three-storey mostly gable-fronted houses of modest width along Petticoat Lane. By 1676, there were thirteen courts or alleys off Petticoat Lane on the Whitechapel side, including minor but proper streets, Three Tun Alley, Black Bell Alley (on the line of New Goulston Street) and Horseshoe Alley.</p>\n\n<p>Apart from horners and the poor, Petticoat Lane’s closed-off back alleys provided a home for religious nonconformists. There was a meeting house by 1723, perhaps much earlier, on part of the site of the Boar’s Head Theatre. It passed from Independents to Anabaptists around 1765, on to Calvinists in the early nineteenth century, and finally became a synagogue, with stables beneath, until demolition around 1882.[^21] </p>\n\n<p>Despite rebuilding and renaming, this dense topography carried on as a locus of poverty, disease and crime, often, as ever, in brothels. In 1725 Petticoat Lane was given as an exemplar of a place a ‘boarding school miss’ would be ashamed to admit was home.[^22] A large open area at the end of Black Bell Alley, marked ‘Blackguard’s Gambling Ground’ on Horwood’s map of the 1790s, might be identified with a court called the Gaff, where, it was said in 1818, ‘Jews used to play at pitch and toss’.[^23] </p>\n\n<p>As Petticoat Lane’s population increased, public houses were established on its east side. The earliest was the Black Bell on the corner of Black Bell Alley, present by the mid seventeenth century and later just the Bell, which pub survives in rebuilt form. Another was the King of Prussia (sometimes the King of Prussia’s Head), on the Wentworth Street corner by 1767, rebuilt in 1868 but falling to road widening around 1881. The Black Lion adjoined by 1750 and met the same fate. These places were reputed to be haunts of receivers of stolen goods.[^24] The notoriety of the name ‘Petticoat Lane’ saw it replaced, very gradually, over the nineteenth century by Middlesex Street – it was part of the county boundary. The new name was first used in 1805 for the part of the street between Whitechapel High Street and Wentworth Street, but it was not until the 1830s that it seems to have taken hold, even for legal or official use.[^25] The blandness of the new name coupled with the familiarity of the old name, meant that even in the 1890s there were references to ‘Middlesex Street (late Petticoat Lane)’ and ‘Middlesex Street, better known as Petticoat Lane, Whitechapel’.[^26] By the end of the nineteenth century the whole street to Bishopsgate was Middlesex Street.[^27] In a final turn of the Petticoat Lane wheel, one of the last enterprises in Boar’s Head Yard was a temporary refuge for fallen women, opened in 1860 in an initiative by the Rev. Samuel Thornton of St Jude’s Church. There </p>\n\n<p>‘sixty-four young women — mostly fallen, some in danger — nearly all from the neighbourhood, have passed through the institution; … This excellent institution is in some degree self supporting, the inmates earning money by washing, mangling, and needlework.’[^28] </p>\n\n<p>The whole of Whitechapel’s Petticoat Lane/Middlesex Street frontage was cleared for road widening and its alleys for slum clearance in 1880–3 for the Goulston Street Improvement.</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p>[^1]: surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/340/detail/</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: Noel Malcolm, ‘A Week in London’, <em>Country Life</em>, 24 Jan 1991, p.44</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: John Stow, <em>A Survey of London. Reprinted From the Text of 1603</em>, C. L. Kingsford (ed.), 1908, vol.1, p.127</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Stow, <em>Survey</em>, vol.2, p.288</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: William Durrant Cooper, ‘Notices of Anthony Babington, of Dethick, and the Conspiracy of 1586’, <em>The Reliquary</em>, vol.2, 1861–2, pp.177–87 (p. 183)</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: John L. McMullan, <em>The Canting Crew: London’s Criminal Underworld, 1550–1700</em>, 1984, p.139</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: George Saintsbury (ed.), <em>Elizabethan and Jacobean Pamphlets</em>, 1892, p.191</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: R(obert) G(reene), <em>The Black Bookes Messenger: Laying Open the Life and Death of Ned Browne</em>, 1592, p.8</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: Thomas Lodge, <em>Wits Miserie and the World’s Madnesse: Discovering the Devils Incarnat of this Age</em>, 1596, p.52</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: (Samuel Rowlands), <em>Greene’s Ghost Haunting Conie-Catchers</em>, 1602, p.28: Gary Taylor and John Lavagnino<em>, Thomas Middleton: Collected Works</em>, vol.1, 2007, p.2008</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: Gary Taylor and John Lavagnino (eds), <em>Thomas Middleton and Early Modern Textual Culture: A Companion to the Collected Works</em>, 2007, p.343: Edward H. Sugden, <em>A Topographical Dictionary to the Works of Shakespeare and His Fellow Dramatists</em>, 1925, p.407</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: McMullan, <em>Canting Crew</em>, p.61: <em>East London Observer</em>, 22 March 1902, p.3</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: Paul Griffiths, ‘The Structure of Prostitution in Elizabethan London’, <em>Continuity and Change</em>, vol.8/1, 1993, pp.39–63</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: Ben Jonson, <em>The Deuil is an Ass: A Comedie Acted in the Yeere, 1616, by His Maiesties Servants</em>, 1631, p.8</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: R. A. Roberts (ed.), <em>Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House</em>, vol.12, 1910, p.168: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), P/SLC/1/17/10: The National Archives (TNA), PROB11/109/210</p>\n\n<p>[^16]: William Maitland, <em>The History of London from its Foundation by the Romans to the Present Time</em>, 1756, vol.2, p.1009</p>\n\n<p>[^17]: TNA, Hearth Tax returns (HT) 1666 and 1674–5; PROB11/493/136: Ancestry: British History Online, Four Shillings in the Pound Assessments, 1693–4 (4s£)</p>\n\n<p>[^18]: Ancestry: TNA, PROB11/613/330; PROB11/626/37; PROB11/929/284</p>\n\n<p>[^19]: Birmingham Archives, MS3415/100: 4s£: TNA, PROB11/432/371: Kenneth L. Carroll, ‘Persecution and Persecutors of Maryland Quakers, 1658–61’, <em>Quaker History</em>, vol.99/1, Spring 2010, pp.15–31 </p>\n\n<p>[^20]: HT 1674–5: Ancestry: THLHLA, P/SLC/1/17/13: TNA, PROB11/367/97</p>\n\n<p>[^21]: Herbert Berry, <em>The Boar’s Head Playhouse</em>, 1986, p.88: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), MBW/2635/20; Land Tax Returns (LT)</p>\n\n<p>[^22]: <em>Mist’s Weekly Journal</em>, 11 Dec 1725: <em>Derby Advertiser</em>, 8 June 1738, p.4: <em>Derby Mercury</em>, 7 Oct 1747, p.2: <em>Sussex Advertiser</em>, 29 Jan 1749, p.3</p>\n\n<p>[^23]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 12 Dec 1818, p.3</p>\n\n<p>[^24]: <a href=\"https://pubwiki.co.uk/LondonPubs/Whitechapel/KingPrusia.shtml\">pubwiki.co.uk/LondonPubs/Whitechapel/KingPrusia.shtml</a>: LMA, CLC/B/192/F/001/MS11936/361/559056; MR/LV/6/79; MR/LV/8/68: Post Office Directories: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 25 July 1868, p.1: LT: Watts Phillips, <em>The Wild Tribes of London</em>, 1855, pp.58–72</p>\n\n<p>[^25]: <em>Morning Chronicle</em>, 2 Oct 1805, p.4: LMA, CLC/B/192/F/001/MS11936/438/804144</p>\n\n<p>[^26]: <em>London Evening Standard</em>, 31 Aug 1891, p.3: <em>Globe</em>, 11 Aug 1894, p.7</p>\n\n<p>[^27]: F. H. W. Sheppard (ed.)<em>, Survey of London</em>: vol.27,<em>Spitalfields and Mile End New Town</em>, 1957, p.237</p>\n\n<p>[^28]: John Hollingshead, <em>Ragged London in 1861</em>, 1861, pp.51–2</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2020-08-03",
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"body": "<p>Early eighteenth-century houses here survived up to about 1985. The site was redeveloped in 2001–2 as a block of eight flats, built for Phoenix Logistics Ltd to designs by KKM Architects, brick faced in a neo-warehouse idiom.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets planning applications online</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2019-05-01",
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{
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"title": "110 Whitechapel Road",
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"body": "<p>A diminutive survival, this single-bay one-room deep three-storey and gambrel garret shophouse was built in 1846 for Maria Hixon of Croydon, an heir to this part of the Turner estate. The builder was Joseph Little of Size Yard, and the first occupant and perhaps the client for the rebuilding was George Langley, a trunk maker. Its footprint is scarcely larger than that of its predecessor, which was likely less tall. There was coffee-room use in the decades around 1900. Latest ground-floor use is as the Makkah grill.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: District Surveyors Returns: The National Archives, C13/2777/49: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archvies, P/MIS/85: Tower Hamlets planning applications online</p>\n",
"created": "2018-04-19",
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{
"id": 623,
"title": "112-116 Whitechapel Road",
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"username": "surveyoflondon"
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"body": "<p>Varied houses and workshops on this site were replaced by this large five-bay four-storey warehouse block in 1898–1900. Possibly designed by A. E. Christy, it was built by Walter Gladding with wooden floors on iron columns for H. Karet & Son, wholesale ironmongers, who continued here till around 1960. Their premises extended back to Vine Court where there now stands a single-storey range of about 2012 into which small shops have been inserted. The main block houses offices above shops.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: District Surveyors Returns: Post Office Directories: Goad maps: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, L/THL/D/1/1/34: The National Archives, IR58/84804/2143: Ordnance Survey maps</p>\n",
"created": "2018-04-19",
"last_edited": "2018-04-19"
},
{
"id": 625,
"title": "128-130 Whitechapel Road",
"author": {
"id": 2,
"username": "surveyoflondon"
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"body": "<p>Turner’s Square on the site of 122–130 Whitechapel Road was redeveloped with larger houses around 1820 and obliterated by no-doubt taller rebuilds on the forward building line by 1873.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>‘AWB 1901’ at the centre of the parapet on the bold and architecturally eclectic five-storey commercial building at Nos 128–130, records its construction in 1900–1 by Arthur Winckles Brown, a corn chandler, who spread here from premises at and behind No. 132. Brown also operated as an oil- and colour-merchant and as his own builder. He let out the ground-floor spaces, that at No. 128 as a restaurant. Some of what were intended to be amply lit workshops above were adapted to be living spaces in 1902 in what came to be known as ‘Brown’s Buildings’.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>There had earlier been a timber-built carriage and perambulator factory on the site of No. 128 and a three-storey brick warehouse on the site of No. 130. That had gained notoriety as Henry Wainwright’s mat and matting warehouse and packing depot for his brush-making factory on the other side of the road. It was here in 1874 that Wainwright murdered Harriet Lane, his mistress, her body not being discovered until a year later. It has been said that the back of Wainwright’s warehouse survives, but that is not so. The three-storey three-bay workshop and warehouse block at 1A Vine Court was erected in 1902–3 for A. W. Brown. John Robert Smith was his architect, and may thus also have been responsible for the preceding front building. By the 1920s ‘Brown’s Buildings’ housed tailors’ workrooms, sixty-seven people accommodated in the block as a whole above the restaurant at No. 128, Folman’s, then Feld’s, then the Central Kosher Restaurant from the 1920s to 50s. It had become the Iffat restaurant by 1973, with bedrooms above for seventeen persons said all to be staff. There are now offices above shops.[^3]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets Commissioners of Sewers ratebooks: Ordnance Survey map, 1873</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), GLC/AR/BR/22/BA/019337; District Surveyors Returns (DSR): Post Office Directories (POD): Goad maps</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: London County Council Minutes, 16 July and 8 Oct. 1901, pp. 972,1195: LMA, GLC/AR/BR/22/BA/019337; DSR: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Building Control files 41736, 41911: POD</p>\n",
"created": "2018-04-23",
"last_edited": "2018-04-23"
},
{
"id": 629,
"title": "8A Vine Court",
"author": {
"id": 2,
"username": "surveyoflondon"
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"body": "<p>At Vine Court’s east end, No. 8A is a picturesque phased mid nineteenth-century three-storey and three-bay brick rebuilding of an early nineteenth-century timber stable building. Centre-bay provender-hatch openings endure, but a large ground-floor doorway has been reconstructed, and the parapet and the rear two bays of the north flank have been rebuilt, in part at least in 1932. Post-war light-industrial use was followed in 1987 by repair for exhibition design and architectural model making, which has been followed by conversion to use as a house.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: The National Archives, C13/2777/49: District Surveyors Returns: Goad maps: Tower Hamlets planning applications online </p>\n",
"created": "2018-04-24",
"last_edited": "2018-04-24"
},
{
"id": 685,
"title": "Former London Hospital Tavern (the Urban Bar), 176 Whitechapel Road",
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"body": "<p>A public house called the London Hospital was built here in 1753 while work on constructing the hospital’s central block was underway. It replaced an earlier building on the site at what was the northwest corner of the hamlet of Mile End Green. The pub’s arrival followed the grant from the hospital’s building committee of a 61-year building lease to Sarah Parsons (1697–1759), the widow of Humphry Parsons MP, a wealthy brewer of the Red Lion Brewery, Aldgate, and ‘extreme tory lord mayor of London’.[^1] She was also the daughter of Sir Ambrose Crowley, an excessively wealthy Greenwich-based ironmonger and industrialist. She had established links with the hospital while it was on Prescot Street.</p>\n\n<p>Parsons’s tavern had two storeys and a garret and there was a yard with stabling to the rear with access from the west on the side street then called Mount Street. The ground floor of the pub comprised a bar, a tap room, three parlours and a kitchen. The London Hospital’s Building Committee used the new establishment for its meetings from January 1754. The first or an early proprietor was John Cholsey and Noble Reynolds was a successor in 1770.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>Entertainments featured by the 1820s when E. Gilbert, a ‘low comedian’, was the proprietor; he died in the collapse of the Royal Brunswick Theatre in 1828. Despite prohibitions, there are indications that the tavern, under the control of Taylor, Walker & Co. by the 1830s, continued to feature music. Beyond the stabling on East Mount Street, a row of houses came to be called Percival Buildings, after James Percival, a soapmaker who had a factory to the east from around 1810.[^3] The hospital sold the tavern and adjoining properties, along with others further southeast, to the East London Railway Company from 1866 to 1875 for its line through Whitechapel, constructed by Thomas Andrew Walker under Sir John Hawkshaw, engineer. The pub was cleared, presumably for cut and cover works, and rebuilt in 1875–6. Six houses along East Mount Street followed in 1878, with A. M. Cohen as builder.[^4]</p>\n\n<p>In 1937 the upper parts of the walls were rebuilt, probably replacing a more robust cornice with red-brick bands. A middle partition between the saloon bar and the public bar was moved in 1956 to confine the public bar to the southwest corner. There is no longer any division. In 1966 renewal of a music licence was refused because patients at the hospital were being disturbed by the ‘crushing beat of banjos and drums’.[^5] The lower levels of the pub’s façades were painted with a tiger-skin effect in the late 1990s for what was renamed the Urban Bar. Around 2013 that décor was removed for a more subdued fascia treatment.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography under Ambrose Crowley</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: John Rocque's map of London, 1746: The National Archives, PROB31/462/205: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), MR/LV/7/49; MR/LV/8/68: Land Tax returns: Royal London Hospital Archive (RLHLH), RLHLH/A/5/4, pp. 163, 165, 280-1; /F/10/3: RLHLH, House Committee Minutes (HCM), 24 Jan. 1754, p. 281: <em>Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser</em>, 20 Nov 1813</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Building Control file 40259: Tower Hamlets planning applications online: <a href=\"https://www.sheppardrobson.com/architecture/view/cavell-street\">https://www.sheppardrobson.com/architecture/view/cavell-street</a>]</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: <em>East London Observer</em>, 20 Feb. 1875: RLHLH, HCM, 1 June 1875, pp. 171–2: RLHLH/S/1/3: LMA, District Surveyor's Returns (DSR): Post Office Directories</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: LMA, GLC/AR/BR/07/4542: DSR: <em>The Times</em>, 16 July 1966</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: Tower Hamlets planning applications online: Google streetview</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2018-07-03",
"last_edited": "2018-07-03"
},
{
"id": 718,
"title": "101 Whitechapel High Street and site of 97-101 High Street",
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"body": "<p>This 1961 shop and office building, built by Wates Ltd to the designs of S.A. Burden, architect, for Midland Bank Ltd, is another war-clearance replacement, rather different in character from others on the High Street. Its outline is assertively modern, with reinforced-concrete side beams and floor plates set forward of exposed aggregate panels flanking wide shallow bow windows formed of delicate concrete mullions, more in the Festival of Britain style, with pinkish panels below the windows. The basement and ground floor are 100ft from front to rear, with strong room, WCs and staff room in the basement, and top-lit former banking hall and offices to the ground floor. Above the front portion were four more floors of offices, occupied by the bank as a computer centre in the 1970s.[^1] The offices have had a variety of uses since the bank vacated them around 1995 – law, business and language schools, student accommodation (‘young international sociable flatshares’), minicab offices; the ground floor has been a betting shop since the bank, by then HSBC, closed the branch c. 2003.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>The current building occupies the site of the old 99-101 High Street and the west side of a court known variously as Church Alley, Tewkesbury Church Alley, Tewkesbury Place and Tewkesbury Buildings. Also discussed here are the former 97 and 98 High Street which fronted the High Street on the east side of Tewkesbury Buildings, and which has been an empty site since clearance after the war.</p>\n\n<p>Nos <strong>97-100</strong> were until the war similar shop houses, four storeys high, two windows wide, all rebuilt or substantially altered in the late 1840s; only No. 98, shorter and with a single window to the third floor, broke the uniformity. They had acquired some cement embellishments to the frontages, probably around 1860 when, perhaps, the excitement around the creation of Commercial Street saw much rebuilding and titivating of the High Street frontage.[^3]</p>\n\n<p>No <strong>97</strong> was described, in 1808 at the bankruptcy of its silk mercer occupant, Charles Newman, as having a double bow-front shop window, with two floors of living quarters above and attics. It had apparently been rebuilt, at four storeys, by 1836, and was successively occupied thereafter by a succession of cheesemongers from the 1820s to the 1860s, including Thomas Marshall who extended the building in 1849, followed briefly in 1863-7 by a branch of the East London Bank, then in the 1870s, till the First World War by John Sawyer, hair merchant, and finally by Charles Kleinsmann, ‘hairdressers’ sundriesman’, till the building’s destruction during the war.[^4]. No.<strong> 98</strong>, like 97 hemmed in by Tewkesbury Buildings, was similarly occupied, by a hosier from the 1820s to the 1840s, and a tea dealer and grocer until Richard Spurgeon, an Ipswich draper, opened a shop there in 1868. Although this was not a large shop, Spurgeon’s was an early signal of the arrival of branches of multiples on the High Street, as he had thirteen branches in London by 1884, as well as a warehouse at Newington Causeway.[^5] Spurgeon was succeeded in the 1880s by a various drapers, including from the 1890s the Humphreys who stayed till c. 1938, succeeded in the business by J. Gold, till wartime destruction.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>Nos <strong>99</strong> and <strong>100</strong> were rebuilt by Symes along with Tewkesbury Buildings (see below), in 1847. The earlier building on the site of No. 99, on the east corner, was a pub, the Tewkesbury Church, by 1730, which continued till the 1770s, but in 1666 and 1674 the building on the site, with six hearths, had been occupied by Mathias Pratt, probably the stationer who died in 1686 and was buried at Whitechapel (as his will was witnessed by Theodosius Lanphere, the tinplate worker five doors away.[^7] In the1830s and 1840s No 99 housed George Ferguson, childbed linen warehouse, and, following the rebuilding in 1847, it was a bakers (Robinson then Richard Higdon, who let the long narrow warehouse to the rear to Gardner’s, the hay salesmen in Spread Eagle Yard from the 1870s) till 1893, when a severe fire killed the baker Joseph Hermann and four of his employees.[^8] Jewellers (Maizels followed by Steingold) subsequently occupied the building till its final destruction during the war.[^9] The occupant of the earlier building on the site of No 100 was a cheesemonger, Roger Redmain, in the 1730s and 40s, then in rag-trade use from the 1840s, during which time it also suffered a serious fire that affected 99 and 101.[^10] From the 1870s bootmakers took over, including, from the 1875 Asher Cruley (‘captains and shippers supplied’, previously at 102 which had been taken over by the ever-expanding Venables & Sons) and later his widow (who also had No 90), till 1908 when Morris Spector, confectioner, whose widow Rebecca remained till the war did for the premises. The repeated fires no doubt account for substantial repair work needed to both buildings in the twentieth century.[^11] </p>\n\n<p>The former No <strong>101</strong>, which occupied only the west half of the present No. 101's site, was rebuilt in 1847 by Mead and Powell, manufacturing stationers, on a 90-year rebuilding lease from 1848, a sober four-storey brick shophouse with round-headed windows to first and paired similar to third floor, and a large top-lit warehouse stretching back between Venables’ premises in Commercial Street and the west side of Tewkesbury Buildings, on the site of the former bell foundry (see Nos <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/373/detail/\">102-05)</a>. The old foundry on the north side of the High Street remained empty after the departure of Thomas Lester, who made the move to the <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/155/detail/\">Whitechapel Road</a> site, until 1752. It was taken over, along with one of Bartlett’s other former properties, the house on the site of No. 101, by Thomas Deming, a cooper and commisioner of Paving for the High Street, who had cooperages in Bishopsgate and Alie Street by the time of his death in 1776.[^12] The site retained its quasi-industrial character, however, right up to the 1840s rebuilding of both the street-side shop-house, No 101, and the foundry site, which, after Deming, housed George Ilsley and later his son Jeremiah (1782-1854), coach-springmakers and tyresmiths.[^13] The shop-house was more genteelly occupied, by Thomas Spooner, later his son George, pastrycook and ‘ornamental confectioners’, from 1805 till Mead and Powell’s rebuilding in 1847.[^14]</p>\n\n<p>Nathaniel Powell, who rebuilt the site in 1847, had previously been at No. 93 High Street and was following his retirement Treasurer to the Salvation Army/East London Christian Mission’s People’s Market (qv) in the 1870s.[^15] The business offered stationery supply of a typical wholesale kind, of account books, and school and business supplies, they also offered writing and dressing cases, work boxes and ‘every variety of fancy stationery’.[^16] The firm became N.J. Powell in 1869, the business retaining the name when taken over in 1871 by the Quakers Compton and Henry Warner. The brothers had worked in their father’s brass-founding business in the Barbican, but appear not to have been involved after his death in 1869. Another brother, Metford, ran the wallpaper manufacturers Jeffrey & Co., lately removed from Kent and Essex Yard to Islington.[^17] After both Warners’ deaths in the mid-1890s, N.J. Powell & Co. went into liquidation in 1902 and was finally wound up in 1908.[<em>^</em>18] Thereafter A. Goldenfeld & Co. Ltd, warehousemen, who also had premises at 76 High Street, had No. 101 till it was destroyed in the war.[^19]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), Building Control file 15652, location 149: Tower Hamlets planning applications online (THP)</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: THP</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), District Surveyor's Returns (DSR): Historic England Archives, AL0035/056/03</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Post Office Directories (POD): <em>Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser</em>, 28 Nov 1808, p. 3: DSR: LMA, C/GL/PR/S3/WHI:HIG/p7491633</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: POD: <em>East Anglian Daily Times</em>, 4 Sept 1884, p. 1</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: POD: DSR</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: Ancestry</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: <em>St James’s Gazette</em>, 22 Sept 1893, p. 11</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: Census: DSR: POD: THLHLA, C/OFR/1/14/7/1 to 6: <em>The Globe</em>, 19 Sept 1893, p. 7</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: LMA, MR/LV/5/26; MR/LV/6/79; MR/LV/7/49; MR/LV/8/68: POD: DSR: <em>London Evening Standard</em>, 16 Dec 1857, p. 8</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: DSR: POD</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: LMA, Land Tax returns: The National Archives (TNA), PROB 11/1020/257: THLHLA, L/SMW/C/2/1</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: POD: Census</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: LT: POD: Census</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: <em>London Evening Standard</em>, 6 Jan 1870, p. 6</p>\n\n<p>[^16]: <em>East London Observer</em>, 13 March 1858, p. 1</p>\n\n<p>[^17]: LMA, B/WNR/001</p>\n\n<p>[^18]: <em>Tower Hamlets Independent and East London Local Advertiser</em>, 15 Nov 1902, p. 5: TNA, BT 34/1070/44196; BT 31/6236/44196: DSR</p>\n\n<p>[^19]: POD: Goad insurance maps: TNA, IR58/84815/3218</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2018-07-13",
"last_edited": "2020-09-18"
},
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"title": "Cromlech House and United Standard House",
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"properties": {
"b_number": "2-14",
"b_name": "Travelodge London City",
"street": "Middlesex Street",
"address": "20 Middlesex Street",
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"body": "<p>The site of the Travelodge London City was cleared after the Second World War of the bomb-damaged portion of Brunswick Buildings, Goulston Street, the 1880s warehouses at <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/348/detail/#38-to-48-middlesex-street\">16 to 36 Middlesex Street</a>, a single very large warehouse at 8 to 14 built in 1886-7 for Hollington Bros, wholesale clothiers, and <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/412/detail/#whitechapel-high-street-frontage-between-goulston-street-and-middlesex-street\">140 to 145 Whitechapel High Street</a>, cleared later and rebuilt with single-storey shops demolished c1990.[^1] The site behind the High Street was in use as a car park by 1947, and by market stalls on Sundays. The first rebuilding was a solitary four-storey showroom and workshop building at <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/411/detail/\">16-20 Middlesex Street</a> in 1954-5. </p>\n\n<p>Shortly after the war Petticoat Lane Rentals had taken a lease of the cleared site between Goulston Street and Middlesex Street as a car park and as a site for market stalls on a Sunday. By 1952 the site was scheduled under the Stepney comprehensive development plan for a warehouse and office building, but it was not until 1961 that the developer City and Country Properties Ltd secured outline planning. The scheme, designed by G. A. Crockett, architect, was for a double-height sunken market hall with gallery at street level for more stalls, in plan fanned out towards the north end, with a delicate Festival of Britain diamond-patterned glass roof. To the south was a tower of offices in a similar style, with a zig-zag profile roof of concrete shell with two double-pitches and oversailing up-pitched eaves. It had seventeen storeys of offices above first-floor restaurant and ground-floor shops, all curtain glazed around a lift core. On the Middlesex Street frontage of the market hall was a three-storey curtain-glazed building with showrooms on its upper levels. To the south of the tower was to be a sunken garden and access to basement parking, with a loading bay on the Goulston Street side of the market hall.[^2] A revised scheme received planning permission for the new owner, Cromlech Property Company Ltd, and construction began in 1964, when the 80-year covenant imposed by the Metropolitan Board of Works when they sold the Goulston Street frontage on which James Hartnoll built Brunswick Buildings restricting the site to flats for the ‘industrial classes’ expired.</p>\n\n<p>The conjoined buildings that went up – United Standard House to the south and Cromlech House to the north - to the designs of J. Ockell of R. Seifert and Partners, architects, was more typical of the 1960s than Crockett’s more elegant design of 1961. The office portion, United Standard House, was in a slab block, six storeys over a three-storey and four-storey podium covering the entire site (leaving a light well behind the 1955 building at 16 to 22 Middlesex Street), faced in yellow brick like the side of the slab block, with continuous high-level strip glazing. The ground floor was mostly open beneath the podium, space for car parking and market-stall storage, the exception being the base of the tower.</p>\n\n<p>The tower’s principal tenant was United Standard Insurance Co. Ltd, and with other insurance companies and, in the 1960s and 1970s, shipping agents predominating, reflecting Whitechapel’s status at the period as ‘the centre of the commercial marine business in Britain’.[^3] Cromlech House was more typical of commercial Whitechapel, with Daylin shirt manufacturers in the 1960s and 1970s, L. Frankenberg, warehousemen - who sold their Houndsditch headquarters in 1971 and moved to Cromlech House - and in the final days, Pemberman’s caterers.[^4] </p>\n\n<p>Petticoat Lane Rentals were wound up in 2008 and United Standard and Cromlech Houses were empty for 10 years pending redevelopment, which was completed in two phases, starting at the north end with Cromlech House, site of the Travelodge.[^5]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives, District Surveyor's Returns: Post Office Directories (POD): <em>East London Observer</em>, 29 Oct 1887, p. 5</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Building Control file 15911: <em>The Times</em>, 15 June 1961, p. 8: Paul B. Fairest, ‘Planning Permission and Existing Uses – Enforcement Notices', <em>Cambridge Law Journal</em>, vol.29/2, Nov 1971, pp. 201-03 </p>\n\n<p>[^3]: POD: https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/31/detail/#story </p>\n\n<p>[^4]: POD: https://www.bizdb.co.uk/company/pembermans-catering-ltd-08342753/: <em>Financial Times</em>, 26 Nov 1971, p. 30</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: Tower Hamlets planning applications online: http://www.downwell.co.uk/projects/middlesex-st-phase-1/: https://beta.companieshouse.gov.uk/company/00613900</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2019-06-05",
"last_edited": "2020-10-27"
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{
"id": 865,
"title": "Sterling Mansions, 75 Leman Street",
"author": {
"id": 14,
"username": "rebecca.preston"
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"b_number": "75",
"b_name": "Sterling Mansions",
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"tags": [
"Co-operative Wholesale Society"
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"body": "<p>In 1908–10 the Co-operative Wholesale Society's branch headquarters at 99 Leman Street were extended northwards by F. E. L. Harris for a new drapery showroom. Francis Eldred Lodge Harris, ARIBA (1864–1924), was appointed in September 1896 as the Co-operative Wholesale Society’s first architect, with a new department under his charge at the Manchester headquarters, from where he supervised the designs of all new CWS buildings and extensions at home and abroad.[^1] He was born and educated in Bristol and served his articles in the city with the large building firm of W. H. Cowlin and Son before setting up in practice in Chelmsford, Essex, in 1889.[^2] .He appears to have been working for the London Branch from at least June 1898, when ‘our architect, Mr Harris’, was consulted on the rebuilding of 93 Chamber Street, which formed the rear part of the premises recently converted for bacon stoves on the opposite side of the road at 118 Leman Street.[^3] In addition to his work in Whitechapel, Harris’s other CWS buildings in London included flour mills (1900), grocery works (1904), soap works (1908) and grain silos (1910), all at Silvertown, to the south of the Royal Victoria Dock;[^4] the silos employed the Hennebique system of reinforced concrete construction and Harris was probably the first English architect to employ reinforced concrete on a large scale.[^5] He retained his post as CWS architect at the Manchester headquarters until his death in 1924 but does not appear to have worked in Whitechapel after about 1910.</p>\n\n<p>The new drapery showroom at what was then 75–97 Leman Street was comprised of four warehouses and replaced twelve four- and three-storey houses that had occupied the space between the London Branch Headquarters and a wool warehouse.[^6] These had been built on the western half of the piece of land owned by Mr Lawrence in 1814 and by 1849 No. 97 Leman Street belonged to G. W. Mayhew, who also owned property at Hooper Square that the CWS would acquire in the early twentieth century.[^7] By 1901 the houses were mostly in multiple occupation, many of their tenants working in tailoring and related trades, and within a few years, 87–91 and 97 Leman Street were empty and had already been bought by the CWS, leaving only Nos 93 and 95 to be acquired.[^8]</p>\n\n<p>Harris’s first application on behalf of the CWS in 1907 for a new building on this site was refused on the grounds that it exceeded eighty feet in height and he was invited to inspect the relevant factory and building acts regarding fire escapes.[^9] The revised design was for a six-storey building in concrete and steel, presumably with alterations to the escapes; this echoes Goodey’s original building in proportions and materials but is somewhat more solid in appearance. The combined frontage of 75–99 Leman Street was now more than doubled in length and extended to 333 feet. When it opened in 1910, the new wing contained the drapery, millinery, lingerie, haberdashery and related departments. At the top was a telephone exchange, which connected London with the branches in Northampton, Bristol, Cardiff, Manchester, Newcastle and the productive works throughout the country.[^10] Very soon, journalist and official CWS historian, Percy Redfern, would describe the enlarged premises as ‘walling in’ Leman Street on both sides and, by 1922, the offices and warehouses locally were said to be ‘like old and permanently fixed enterprises … the huge expressions of Co-operation’.[^11]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Percy Redferen, <em>Story of the C.W.S.</em>, 1913, p. 325.</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: ‘Obituary’, <em>RIBA Journal</em>, 20 September 1924, p. 651.</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: National Co-operative Archive (NCA), E&SCWS, Tea Committee Minutes, 20 June 1898.</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Lynn Pearson, <em>Architecture of the Co-operative Movement</em>, draft Chapter 4: Concrete Progress: CWS Depots and Factories, 1897 to the 1910s, pp. 1–2; <em>Story of the C.W.S.</em>, p. 232.</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: <em>Who’s Who in Architecture</em>, 1914, p. 102; <em>Ferro-Concrete: A Monthly Review of Hennebique Construction</em>, Vol. 9, 1918, p. 441; ‘Obituary’, <em>RIBA Journal</em>, 20 September 1924, p. 651; Patricia Cusack, <em>Reinforced Concrete in Britain: 1897–1908</em>, unpublished PhD thesis, Vol. II, University of Edinburgh, 1981, p. 363.</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), CLC/B/017/MS15627/040, 1879; DSR serial no. 1907.0364-7: Goad insurance plan, 1887: OS maps, 1894, 1913.</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: Plan of part of the Leman Estate, the property of the late Wm. Strode, 1814, LMA, SC/GL/PR/S3/WHI/p7491610; DSR serial no. 1849.018: Ancestry, Whitechapel Land Tax records, 1905.</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: Ancestry, 1891 and 1901 Censuses and Whitechapel Land Tax records, 1905.</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: London County Council Minutes, 30 April 1907, p. 926.</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: The National Archives, IR 58/84839, plot nos 5665 and 4749, list dated 7 December 1914.</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: Redfern, <em>Story of the C.W.S.</em>, p. 324; J. P. Warbasse, ‘European Impressions’,<em>Co-operation</em>, Vol. VIII, 1922, pp. 41–4.</p>\n",
"created": "2019-03-29",
"last_edited": "2020-06-05"
},
{
"id": 798,
"title": "St Jude's Church",
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"username": "surveyoflondon"
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"b_number": "20-22",
"b_name": "East One Building, 20-22 Commercial Street",
"street": "20-22 Commercial Street",
"address": "20-22 Commercial Street, London E1 6LS",
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"body": "<p>From 1847 to 1925 there stood on this site St Jude’s Church, a chapel of ease to St Mary Whitechapel, its creation a response to the growth in the local population. It was one of twelve new churches built in East London in the mid-1840s, a project of Charles James Blomfield, Bishop of London from 1828 to 1856. It was one of the first sites on Commercial Street to be sold: the Commissioners for Building New Churches paid £1,520 for the 75ft frontage in December 1845.[^1] The design was a rather home-made, unarchaeological Early English Gothic, by Frederick John Francis, architect, whose 1841 book of church designs had earned the contempt of the Ecclesiologist: ‘Not one of them has any Chancel.. they are, in short, lamentable examples of what has been truly called “cockney Gothick” ’.[^2] The church, in brick with stone dressings, was built in 1846-7 by H.W. Cooper, of Regent Square, and consecrated in April 1848.[^3] It had a steeply pitched open timber-trussed roof, lower aisles separated by circular piers, a shallow chancel the full height of the nave with a reredos fronted by an arcade of seven trefoil-headed arches, a simple tripartite window above, and a 65ft batter-buttressed tower at the southwest corner, originally intended to have a spire.[^4] Although it was originally designed to have a single gallery at the west end, galleries on the north and south sides were added by Cooper in 1849.[^5] </p>\n\n<p><img alt=\"\" src=\"/media/uploads/2018/12/13/p1040422-crop.jpg\">St Jude's church and vicarage (left) in 1873</p>\n\n<p>National Schools, a simple shallow two-storey building, stood to the rear of the church.</p>\n\n<p>Equally unecclesiological was the first incumbent, Hugh Allen, appointed in April 1848, a ‘thoroughly evangelical clergyman’, who embraced Temperance as a cure for the ills of the poor, addressing vast open-air meetings in Victoria Park and Hackney Downs, and campaigning for street fountains.[^6] </p>\n\n<p>Though the later pastoral work of Samuel Barnett has come to dominate the history of St Jude’s, Allen was not idle away from the pulpit and the park. With the assistance of the rector of St Mary’s, William Weldon Champneys, who was involved in many Whitechapel initiatives to alleviate poverty, a Penny Bank was established at St Jude’s in January 1850. This was modelled on an initiative begun by John Scott in Greenock in 1847 ‘to create and foster provident habits’ among the poor by enabling them to open an account with the deposit of one penny, with interest paid on every pound saved, if deposited in regular weekly amounts.[^7] By 1858 Allen had set up a Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Society, which met on Tuesday evenings for improving discussions of Biblical topics.[^8] </p>\n\n<p>Allen’s additional appointment in 1859 as Afternoon Lecturer at St George in the East, however, saw his evangelical zeal stoke local opposition to the ‘Popish’ services of the Tractarian Rev. Bryan King, and a number of ‘ritualism riots’ there in 1859-60.[^9] Allen resigned his post at St George in the East in December 1859 at the height of the disturbances and preached his last sermon to his congregation at St Jude’s, ‘one of the largest in London’, in January 1860 when he was appointed to St George the Martyr, Southwark.[^10] Pastoral endeavours continued – a singing class, a branch of the East London needlewomen’s Institution, which took government contracts to employ poor needlewomen locally, and evening lectures and musical entertainments.[^11] </p>\n\n<p>In 1860 a narrow vacant strip of ground immediately to the north of the church on Commercial Street was bought for £615 from the Commissioners of Woods and Forests and a parsonage house built on it the following year. It of three storeys in an anaemic Tudor style, with two shallow-pointed pediments to the parapet. A sharp decline in St Jude’s congregation ensued after 1868 under Robert Haynes, however, who alienated the dwindling body of parishioners with Ritualist tendencies, but its fortunes bounced back under the tireless Samuel Barnett, curate at Bryanston Square, who was appointed Vicar in 1873, having requested a poor parish where he could do good: the Bishop of London fulfilled his wish, assessing it as the ‘worst parish in in my diocese, inhabited mainly by a criminal population’.[^12] </p>\n\n<p>St Jude’s was the crucible for most of the future social endeavours of Barnett and his wife Henrietta, including <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/379/detail/\">Toynbee Hall</a> and the <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/388/detail/\">Whitechapel Gallery</a>, but in the decade before these grander schemes took off, the church, vicarage and schools were the focus for smaller initiatives of improvement for the local population. Barnett instituted a mixed choir, and began a series of evening lectures on ‘great lives, adult classes in French, German, Latin and arithmetic, and the National Schools, which had been closed in the dwindling years of Haynes, reopened in 1874, with a playground created a few years later between the school, a tennis court, <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/382/detail/\">George Yard Buildings</a> and neighbouring houses later occupied by <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/382/detail/\">St George’s House</a>.[^13] </p>\n\n<p><img alt=\"\" src=\"/media/uploads/2018/12/13/1910ish-from-canon-barnett.JPG\"></p>\n\n<p>The interior of St Jude's, looking east, after the removal of the galleries</p>\n\n<p>Barnett was a missionary aesthete in the Ruskinian mould, believing that spiritual awakening would come not just from improved physical and educational conditions, but from beautified surroundings, domestic and urban. The cramped parsonage he found in a dilapidated state, beset by leaks and dry rot, and the church building,‘a cheap structure, built by cheap thought and in cheap material’.[^14] In a move that would have pleased <em>The Ecclesiologist</em>, a Faculty was secured for removing the galleries in 1874, the organ was repositioned and rebuilt by Willis of Minories under the direction of Henry Heathcote Statham (1839–1924), editor of <em>The Builder</em>, who went on to be the organist at St Jude’s. A frieze of growing corn and vine was painted over the communion table at the west end by Emily and Harriet Harrison, long-term assistants to Henrietta Barnett in her social work, and Henry Holiday lent large-scale drawings of angels to hang high up in the church.[^15] In 1879 William Morris produced a more radical and lively colour scheme for the interior: ‘East End: apple green stencilled in darker shade; curtains red and gold; pillars scarlet; dado for aisle walls of stronger tone; walls above stone; apple green around clerestory windows; abolish cornfield and hedge frieze,’ and photographs of ‘Italian and Spanish masterpieces’ were hung from the pillars and organ screen. This was carried out in 1883-4 under the direction of Charles Harrison Townsend, later architect of Whitechapel Gallery.[^16]: The Barnetts did their best with the interior of the ‘small, dark’ vicarage, with its basement kitchen, easing the space problems with a single-storey bay to the front with a side entrance, and a side passage, to the designs of Ewan Christian in 1877. Inside was a haven of Aesthetic aspiration: the drawing room windows sported ‘primrose silk curtains against opal-coloured walls’, though there were ‘the small annoyances of greasy heads leaning against Morris papers’ when the poor of the parish came to call.[^17] </p>\n\n<p>In 1882 a brightly coloured drinking fountain was installed on the west tower on Commercial Street. It was used, according to Henrietta Barnett who had paid for it, by indigent locals to wash their clothes and utensils, and, on one occasion, a baby.[^18] Made of Doultonware ceramic, with steps by the Eureka Concrete Company, the materials were chosen as a robust material cheaper than granite; it had formed the centrepiece of Doulton’s exhibit at the 1882 Building Exhibition at the Agricultural Hall. Designed by Statham, it comprised a three-lobed bowl supported on three columns and backed by a semi-circular plaque proclaiming ‘With God is the Fountain of Life’.[^19] In 1884 Edwin Roscoe Mullins' large sculpture of Isaac and Esau, exhibited that year at the Royal Academy, was displayed in the church, which was later hung with similarly inspiring work by G.F. Watts. The same year a large mosaic version of Watts’s ‘grand but rather inexplicable’ painting of <em>Time, Death and Judgment</em>, executed by Giulio Salviati from a cartoon by Cecil Schott, was installed above the fountain, along with only moderately helpful plaques to explain the iconography. The unveiling ceremony was by Matthew Arnold, no less.[^20] Watts’s painting had been shown at the 1882 St Jude’s art exhibition, an annual event that Barnett had instituted in 1881 in the National Schools behind the church, and which were the precursor of the <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/388/detail/#whitechapel-gallery-pre-history-and-early-history-up-to-1914\">Whitechapel Gallery</a>. The success of those exhibitions led to a three-storey extension in 1886 to the rear of the school with three well-lighted rooms for the shows which continued annually till the Whitechapel Gallery was opened in 1901.[^21] Pressures of increasing social work also saw a large top-lit reception room added to the rear of the vicarage in 1884.[^22] </p>\n\n<p>By 1888 attendance had dwindled to around 250 (under Allen it was said to have exceeded 1,000), and in 1893 Barnett, deeply occupied with work at Toynbee Hall and elsewhere, resigned as Vicar of St Jude’s, to be replaced in the role by his curate, Ronald Bayne.[^23] By then there were said to be only 120 Christian families in the parish and in 1923 the decision was taken to merge St Jude’s with the mother parish of St Mary Matfelon.[^24] The Church Commissioners put the church building and vicarage up for auction, with the stipulation that the buyer dismantle the building, which could not be reused for religious purposes, but only the vicarage sold.[^25] The Commissioners dismantled the church to make the site more attractive and it was sold by private treaty to Crosby Estates. Dame Henrietta Barnett wrote to <em>The Times</em> offering the Watts mosaic as a gift to whoever would place it to be seen by the ‘passer by’.[^26] The Revd Wilfred Davies of St Giles-in-the Fields, Bloomsbury, won the prize and the mosaic was salvaged and re-erected with repairs by the artist Boris Anrep on a prominent position on the wall of St Giles-in-the-Fields National Schools in Endell Street, Covent Garden, ‘a junction of five roads where the picture could be seen by thousands every day’. After that building closed as a school, the mosaic was removed in 1970 and reinstalled on the staircase of the south porch of the parish church of St Giles in the Fields.[^27] The Doulton fountain from St Jude’s was also said ti have been salvaged, and possibly relocated to a Stepney school. If it survives, its present location is unknown.[^28] </p>\n\n<p>The new parts of the St Jude’s National Schools building behind the church had become an adjunct of Commercial Street Schools (later <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/399/detail/\">Canon Barnett School</a>), the ground floor in use as a gym by 1936; the older portion of the schools was used as a club after the First World War and offices by 1936, and the whole was demolished c. 1937 after Toynbee Hall had acquired the site to<em> </em> build their theatre.[^29] </p>\n\n<p>When the church was demolished the vicarage became Jack Seres, gown manufacturers, with further premises at 48 and 50 Commercial Street, remaining till the building was damaged beyond repair during the war. Profumo House was later built on the site.[^30] </p>\n\n<p>[^1]: <em>Twenty Third Report of the Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Woods, Forests, Land Revenues, Etc</em>, London 1846, p. 77: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), DL/A/C/MS19224/348 </p>\n\n<p>[^2]: <em>The Ecclesiologist</em>, 2, 1843, pp. 73-4</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: LMA, District Surveyor's Returns (DSR); DL/A/C/MS19224/348: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 18 April 1848, p. 2: <em>Builder</em> (<em>B</em>), 22 April 1848, p. 201</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: The National Archives (TNA), IR58/84840/5730: Gordon Barnes, <em>Stepney Churches: An Historical Account</em>, London 1967, pp. 91-2</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: DSR: LMA, P93/JUD/7, 8</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: <em>John Bull</em>, 22 April 1848, p. 6: <em>Gentleman's Magazine</em>, June 1848, p. 654: <em>Bell’s Weekly Messenger</em>, 21 Feb 1853, p. 5: <em>Essex Standard</em>, 6 Aug 1856, p. 2: <em>Armagh Guardian</em>, 7 Nov 1856, p. 5: <em>Marylebone Mercury</em>, 25 Sept 1858, p. 4</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: <em>The Globe</em>, 25 July 1850, p 1: Sampson Low, <em>The Charities of London</em>, London 1850, pp. 177-8: Samuel Couling, <em>The Labouring Classes: Their Intellectual, Moral and Social Condition Considered</em>, London 1851, pp. 85-93</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: <em>East London Observer</em> (<em>ELO</em>), 27 Feb 1858, p. 4</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: Edward Francis Russell, ed., <em>Alexander Heriot Mackonochie, a Memoir by E.A.T.</em>, London 1890, pp. 55-58: <em>Morning Chronicle</em>, 17 June 1859, pp. 6-7: E<em>vening Mail</em>, 26 Sept 1859, p. 6</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 9 Dec 1859, p. 4: <em>London Evening Standard</em> (<em>LES</em>), 23 Dec 1859, p. 3: <em>Shoreditch Observer</em>, 21 Jan 1860, p. 2: <em>Daily News</em>, 23 May 1860, p. 2: <em>Illustrated London News</em> (<em>ILN</em>), 14 May 1864</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: <em>ELO</em>, 27 Oct 1860, p. 1; 3 Nov 1860, p. 2; 13 Dec 1862, p. 2; 14 May 1870, p. 5</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: LMA, DL/A/C/MS19224/34; F/BAR/1</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: Henrietta Barnett, <em>Canon Barnett: His Life, Work and Friends </em>(<em>Canon Barnett</em>), London 1918, vol 1, pp. 73-5: <em>LES</em>, 23 Nov 1878, p. 3: Samuel Barnett, <em>St Jude’s Commercial Street, Whitechapel: Pastoral Address and Report for the Year 1881-82</em>, London 1882, pp. 14-15: Samuel Barnett,<em> St Jude’s Commercial Street, Whitechapel: Pastoral Address and Report for the Year 1884-85</em>, London 1885, p. 18</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: LMA, DL/A/C/MS19224/34: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol 1, p. 68: <em>St Jude’s Whitechapel… Report (1884-85)</em>, quoted in Lucinda Matthews-Jones, ‘Sanctifying the Street: Urban Space, material Christianity and the Watts Mosaic in London, 1883 to the Present Day, in <em>Material Religion in Modern Britain: The Spirit of Things</em>, ed. Timothy Willem Jones and Lucinda Matthews-Jones, New York 2015, pp. 57-74</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol. 1, pp. 218, 221: <em>ELO</em>, 17 July 1875, p. 6: <em>Oxford Dictionary of National Biography sub</em> Statham</p>\n\n<p>[^16]: DSR: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol. 1, p. 218: Samuel Barnett,<em> St Jude’s Commercial Street, Whitechapel: Pastoral Address and Report for the Year 1883-1884</em>, London 1884, pp. 10-11: Samuel Barnett, <em>St Jude’s Commercial Street, Whitechapel: Pastoral Address and Report for the Year 1884-1885</em>, London 1885, p. 9</p>\n\n<p>[^17]: LMA, DL/A/C/MS19224/34: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol. 1, pp. 152-3</p>\n\n<p>[^18]: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol. 1, p. 221</p>\n\n<p>[^19]: <em>B</em>, 23 Sept 1882, p. 396: <em>The Artist and Journal of Home Culture</em>, 1 Oct 1882, p. 316</p>\n\n<p>[^20]: Samuel Barnett, <em>St Jude’s Commercial Street, Whitechapel: Pastoral Address and Report for the Year 1884-85</em>, London 1885, pp. 9, 12-13: <em>B</em>, 2 Aug, 1884, p. 160; 30 Aug, p. 285; 6 Dec 1884, p. 753: Mathews-Jones, op. cit., pp 66-8: <a href=\"http://salviatimosaics.blogspot.com/2013/07/st-judes-church-whitechapel.html\">The Salviati Architectural Mosaic Database</a></p>\n\n<p>[^21]: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol. 2, p. 156: <em>ELO</em>, 17 April 1886, p. 6</p>\n\n<p>[^22]: DSR: TNA, IR58/84809/2690: Goad insurance plans: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol. 1, p. 152</p>\n\n<p>[^23]: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol. 1, p. 283</p>\n\n<p>[^24]: Church of England Record Centre, BARNES 3/2/3/14</p>\n\n<p>[^25]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), B/ELL/2/8; LC6874</p>\n\n<p>[^26]: LMA, LMA/4063/006 - ‘The quasi-autobiography of Dame Henrietta Barnett by her assistant Marion Patterson’, c. 1937</p>\n\n<p>[^27]: Matthews-Jones, op. cit., pp. 61-2</p>\n\n<p>[^28]: THLHLA, notes on verso of P10169</p>\n\n<p>[^29]: TNA, IR58/84840/5730; IR58/84809/2690: LMA, GLC/AR/BR/36/002740</p>\n\n<p>[^30]: Post Office Directories</p>\n",
"created": "2018-12-13",
"last_edited": "2020-08-18"
},
{
"id": 653,
"title": "The (other) Whitechapel Murder: 16 Batty Street",
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"body": "<p>In the 1880s Batty Street was considered part of Whitechapel in the public imagination. Perhaps no better proof of this is in the fact that when a murder occurred in this building in 1887 it was dubbed the 'Whitechapel murder'. Before the sensational Jack the Ripper murders of the following year overshadowed it, the murder, and its aftermath, was considered a major scandal. The case seemed a strange one: Rachael Angel, a young pregnant woman, was found dead from poisoning in her bed with a young man insensible on the floor. That young man was a tenant in the same building, and though he had seemingly had no previous contact with the woman, was charged with her murder. The case garnered particular attention as it was taken up by the crusading <em>Pall Mall Gazette</em>, and Israel Lipski, the young man, was defended by a particularly active solicitor, a Mr Hayward.</p>\n\n<p>The victim, the murderer, and most of the witnesses were part of the recent wave of Jewish immigrants from Poland. Without any overt anti-semitism in the reporting, the coverage does clearly lay out the actors in the case as 'others' who need translators despite living and working in the heart of London. After fervent campaigns to get Lipski a reprieve, and rumours of new evidence that would exonerate the man, he suddenly provided a full and rather eloquent confession.</p>\n\n<p>However, clearly for the neighbourhood, lingering problems remained. The widower of the young victim was himself in court not long after Lipski's execution. He had been harassing and even physically assaulting the landlady at the property where his wife was killed and he had recently been resident. No explanation was ever forthcoming as to why he held a grudge against his landlady, and what it might have had to do with the most sensational murder trial of the year.</p>\n\n<p>The afterlife of 16 Batty Street never matched such drama, and yet like all buildings in Whitechapel, its afterlife reflects the dynamic changes of the neighbourhood. The house was rebuilt in 1887-8 and later served as a Yemeni seamen's mission. In more recent years it was transformed into a mosque before being extensively renovated and transformed back into a private home.</p>\n\n<p>Sources</p>\n\n<p>'Hanging an Innocent Man: Conversion of Mr Justice Stephen', <em>Pall Mall Gazette</em>, 13 Aug 1887, p. 11</p>\n\n<p>'Police Intelligence: Thames',<em> London Evening Standard</em>, 25 Aug 1887, p. 2</p>\n\n<p>'Murder? It doesn't bother me', <em>The Times</em>, 29 May 1999, p. 16</p>\n",
"created": "2018-05-16",
"last_edited": "2018-05-16"
},
{
"id": 848,
"title": "15-19 Dock Street",
"author": {
"id": 2,
"username": "surveyoflondon"
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"body": "<p>James Golding, a licensed or bonded carman on Christian Street, acquired a large (128ft) freehold frontage here in 1860 and as James Golding & Son immediately enclosed a yard that extended back to Well Street. The Dock Street entrance was flanked by the substantial three-storey stock-brick buildings that survive, a warehouse (now No. 15) to the north and a twelve-room double-fronted house (now No. 19) to the south, with stabling and lofts behind. The warehouse is strikingly peculiar with its tall triple relieving arches, Golding’s architect and builder are not known. Henry Golding sold up in 1872, Scott & Till, hemp and coir merchants, took up occupation, and several other firms followed. J. Carter & Co. Ltd, bank and office fitters and furnishers, had the warehouse from the 1920s. Abdul Sabain had dining rooms in the house in the 1940s. Carter & Co. then took the larger site up to 1986. The warehouse was subsequently acquired and used by Art for Offices. A conversion with the replacement of a lower setback link range with a five-storey block, for fourteen flats and two recording studio-office units, was carried out in 2008 for Chohan Bros Construction Ltd of Wembley Park (as or with Jasmine Estates Ltd), working initially with Tasou Associates Ltd for designs prepared in 2002, later with Loren Design Ltd (Richard Loren). The lion-topped piers to the yard entrance, in place by the 1930s, have been relocated, and the house has lost a bold cornice and had an attic added. [^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: The National Archives, WORK6/144/3; IR58/84824/4104–7: <em>Shipping and Mercantile Gazette</em>, 5 June 1872: London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/B/129: Post Office Directories: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Building Control file 81067: Tower Hamlets planning applications online: information kindly supplied by F. G. Bird</p>\n",
"created": "2019-03-04",
"last_edited": "2020-11-27"
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}
