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"title": "66 Royal Mint Street",
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"body": "<p>This substantial four-storey and basement corner block went up in 1890 replacing several small shophouses. It was built as a factory for Thomas Bear & Sons, tobacco manufacturers, employing Edwin Arthur Brassey Crockett, the long-established surveyor to the Fire Insurance Offices’ London Wharf and Warehouse Committee, and James Greenwood & Son Ltd, builders. Simple stock-brick elevations are articulated by a giant order of pilasters and the canted corner by a porch with big console brackets to a strapwork-panel fronted balcony. The ground floor originally housed offices and a showroom, with the drying and processing of tobacco carried out on upper floors. Various warehouse uses followed from the 1920s. Gunsons Colorplugs, for tuning car engines, were made here in the 1970s, since when several changes of use have been permitted, for flats, workshops, offices, a bar and restaurant, and again offices. The building retains the features of its loading bay to the west as well as tall internal cast-iron columns.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives, District Surveyors Returns; CLC/B/017/MS14944/023, p.227: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, L/THL/D/2/30/129: The National Archives, IR58/84834/5138: Post Office Directories</p>\n",
"created": "2019-05-01",
"last_edited": "2019-05-31"
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{
"id": 742,
"title": "George Leybourne House",
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"body": "<p>George Leybourne House is named after the music-hall performer better known as ‘Champagne Charlie’ in a nod to Wilton’s Music Hall next door. It was built around 1986 and comprises fifty-six studio and one-bedroom flats in a five-storey red-brick faced block with balconies north and south.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets planning applications online</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2018-10-09",
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"id": 752,
"title": "Davenant Foundation School motto",
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"id": 248,
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"body": "<p>Tel Grain Tel Pain. Which I was told means 'in as wheat out as bread'!</p>\n",
"created": "2018-10-25",
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{
"id": 795,
"title": "Denning Point and the New Holland Estate",
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"body": "<p>Between the Ibis Hotel and Wentworth Street west from Commercial Street to Old Castle Street is now entirely occupied by a mixed development of private and social flats, shops, offices and the refurbished Denning Point tower block, a joint enterprise by the private developer Telford Homes and EastEnd Homes, the housing association to whom Tower Hamlets council handed over its New Holland estate in 2006.</p>\n\n<p>Denning Point is the sole survivor of that estate, created by the Greater London Council in the late 1960s and early 1970s following on from its ongoing slum clearance activities. In 1945 the London County Council had designated eight areas for ‘comprehensive redevelopment’, areas where bomb damage, inadequate roads, insufficient open space, jumbled land use and bad housing conditions were especially concentrated.[^1] Several of these were in Stepney, and later additional comprehensive development areas were added, including ‘northwest Stepney’, which included this site, and to which a compulsory purchase order was applied as necessary.[^2] The area bounded by Whitechapel High Street, Old Castle Street, Wentworth Street and Commercial Street was liberally supplied with two of the qualifying characteristics suggesting redevelopment: bomb damage and poor housing. It included large areas that had been totally destroyed in the war on the High Street and on Commercial Street, as well as the whole of the dilapidated Pemberton-Barnes estate of mostly 18th-century two- and three-storey houses, already described as ‘old and in poor repair’ before the First World War.[^3] The estate of 124 flats was built in three phases between 1965 and 1977, centred around the 22-storey Denning Point tower, which was required to achieve desired densities given that the area between Denning Point and Old Castle Street was unbuilt, with more car parking, service access and a rectangular area of grass and paving. The architect was Elie Mayorcas (1908–1995) of Mayorcas and Guest, architects, of Baker Street.[^4]</p>\n\n<p>The other low-rise buildings on the New Holland estate occupied the sites of <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/418/detail/\">3 Resolution Plaza</a>, <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/421/detail/\">Ladroke Court</a>, <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/1453/detail/\">Sloane Apartments</a>, the <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/416/detail/\">Community Centre</a>, <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/419/detail/\">New Evershed House and 28 to 42 Old Castle Street</a>, <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/420/detail/\">Bradbury Court</a> and <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/417/detail/\">Kensington Apartments</a>. </p>\n\n<p>In 1977 the estate was handed over by the Greater London Council to Tower Hamlets council, but like many tower blocks in an era of local authority underfunding, Denning Point suffered from typical patterns of poor maintenance and social deprivation.[^5] In an attempt to create ‘defensible space’, the void under Denning Point was filled in with three shops and a new entrance with a meagre blue-painted metal and glass pediment in 1990 but when Oona King, MP for Bethnal Green and Bow, visited the estate in 1999 she found it ‘ankle deep in needles, tin foil, syringes, vomit and human excrement. It is a disgrace that people have to put up with that… Dealers were drawing people in by offering heroin for as little as £1.’[^6] Denning Point often featured in news reporting as the ‘heroin high rise’, a locus of danger and crime.[^7]Marc Isaacs’ 2001 short film <em>Lift</em>, which records the residents he met travelling up and down in the lift at Denning Point for two months, captures the individual humanity behind the squalor.[^8]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: ‘L.C.C. Planning – 1943-1960’, <em>Official Architecture and Planning</em>, vol.23/6, June 1960, pp. 262–5</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), GLC/MA/SC/01/499; GLC/MA/SC/03/1082; GLC/MA/SC/03/1083; GLC/AR/BR/13/131204; GLC/AR/BR/34/003784; GLC/DG/PRB/35/006/594</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: The National Archives, IR58/84808, 84817 and 84818</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Building Control file 12413: www.independent.co.uk/news/people/obituary-l-elie-mayorcas-1598006.html</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: LMA, LRB/PS/ROP/13/023/745</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: <em>Evening Standard</em>, 27 Sept 1999, p. 8</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: Adrian Addison, ‘Living in Britain’s no-go zones’ BBC News, 24 Nov 2004 - <a href=\"http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/4007409.stm\">http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/4007409.stm</a></p>\n\n<p>[^8]: The G<em>uardian, Society</em>, 18 Sept 2002, p. 4: <a href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=2&v=FJNAvyLCTik\">https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=2&v=FJNAvyLCTik</a></p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2018-12-13",
"last_edited": "2021-02-10"
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{
"id": 297,
"title": "New Road Synagogue",
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"body": "<p>115 New Road is the site of the former New Road Synagogue, which closed in 1974 when it was amalgamated with the East London Central Synagogue, still in operation on Nelson Street (Jewish Communities & Records UK). It was formed through the amalgamation of two Hevros (prayer circles) that were based on neighbouring Fieldgate Street, and was consecrated on the 24th May 1892. The Synagogue was built at a cost of £1350, of which £400 was raised by the Hevros themselves and the remainder contributed by the Federation of Jewish Synagogues, New Road probably being their earliest 'model' synagogue. (Kadish, S 2011 p.153).</p>\n\n<p>Historic maps from the 1890s onwards show a building built in what was likely the rear yard of No.115, and stretching across the back of 113, 115 and 117. This rear yard infill is marked on various maps as the New Road Synagogue, which suggests that 115 was probably retained as a C19th terrace, and provided access through to the newly built synagogue behind. Sharman Kadish notes that the Jewish Chronicle described it as an unpretending structure.</p>\n\n<p>She also describes how photographs of the interior of the synagogue dating from the 1970s (probably mid-late) show clothing stacked in the prayer hall, as the 'premises were then being used as a garment warehouse by one of the Bangladeshi manufacturers who followed the Jews into the East End'.</p>\n\n<p>LB Tower Hamlets planning records show that a planning application was approved in January 1977 for the change of use of the site to a garment manufacturing facility with office, showroom and storage. This simple planning record encapsulates the demographic change taking place in Whitechapel in the 1970s as the Jewish population was dispersing and the Bangladeshi moving in.</p>\n\n<p>Whilst Kadish remarks that no trace of the original building remains, and from looking at the street frontage No.115 does present a relatively recent facade (although no corresponding planning record is apparent). There are, however, no planning applications for the demolition and rebuilding of the former synagogue, so it is possible that the structure of the New Road Synagogue is still standing in some form across the back of Nos. 113-119, and which has been through various internal alterations and refurbishments since the mid-1970s.</p>\n\n<p>A trip around the back of 115 beckons...</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2017-03-21",
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{
"id": 690,
"title": "Relay House and the Ibis Hotel",
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"body": "<p>The site of the Relay Building and the Ibis Hotel was assembled in the 1980s, part freehold, and part leasehold from London Underground, which had in 1933 acquired Kent and Essex Yard and 110 to 115 High Street, in connection with the creation of the eastern entrance to Aldgate East Underground Station which opened in 1938. Between 1984 and 1999 seven schemes of increasing ambition and scale to redevelop all or part of the site with a hotel, a pub and offices were prepared but refused or withdrawn. By 2001 the site belonged to Columbia Developments Ltd, run by a Guernsey-based Irish developer, David Kennedy, and his family, and an associated company, Mangrove Securities Ltd. Planning permission was secured in 2002 for a 17-storey office building, shops and hotel, and the site - then largely taken up with a branch of Woolworth’s opened in 1960, along with a 1960s pub (the Seven Stars) and two 1880s shop-houses, Nos 119 and 120 Whitechapel High Street.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>In August 2006 revised permission was granted for a 22-storey mixed-use building of 217 flats (later reduced to 207, including four penthouses) on the 7th to 21st floors (as demand had shifted from office to residential), offices below and a 10-storey hotel occupying the rear third of the site, all to designs by John Seifert Architects Ltd. It was of a similar height to the original scheme, as residential floors do not require the same concealed wiring areas as offices.[^2] The owners were Formation Design & Build (formerly Columbia Design & Build), a subsidiary of Formation Group, offering professional and investment services to ‘high-net-worth’ figures in sport and entertainment (including the footballers Wayne Rooney and Robbie Savage and the broadcaster including Fearne Cotton), and Julius Properties Ltd, a Guernsey-based company formed for the purpose of acquiring One Commercial Street, whose proceeds benefit Kennedy family trusts.[^3]</p>\n\n<p>After negotiation, the developer included 35 per cent on-site affordable housing (below market-rent and shared ownership). Initially the entrance to all flats was to be in a spacious recessed entrance on the corner with Commercial Street, but a scheme was approved in 2007 which resited the private flats’ entrance next to the High Street office entrance; the affordable flats’ entrance was relocated to Tyne Street, otherwise now only a narrow service road, an area of the building originally designated for refuse.[^4]</p>\n\n<p>The 348-bedroom hotel had been completed by 2008, and let as a branch of the international hotel group Ibis as ‘a \"contemporary economy London Hotel\"’, but the rest of the project, largely funded by a £93m loan from Heritable, a subsidiary of Landsbanki, then ground to a sudden halt at the 11th floor when the Icelandic banking system collapsed, and for three years its unfinished concrete frame sat as an unwelcome monument to this debacle.[^5] In 2011 Formation Group/Mangrove sold the hotel building to Axa Insurance on behalf of the Co-operative Insurance Society, and the unfinished office/residential building to Redrow Homes Ltd, with Broadway Malyan taking over as architects.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>Redrow completed One Commercial Street in 2014, renaming it the Relay Building, with John Sisk and Sons as main contractor. The design is both bland and bulky. The hotel, with small windows set in grey and light-grey aluminium panels, has a setback to Pomell Way to the top three floors. The office/residential/retail building, U-shaped in plan above the 6th floor, is fully glazed, with ranks of balconies to the centres of both main frontages and a projecting forward-raking bay the full height of the Commercial Street elevation, edged with a glazed strip and emphasised by a sloping metal roof fin. The ground and first floors are set back on the High Street and Commercial Street frontages, with giant metal-clad pillars circling the ground-floor shop spaces and entrances. The 1930s entrance to Aldgate East tube, which required complex structural underpinning, was accommodated into the High Street frontage, as it had been in the Woolworth’s building before.[^7]</p>\n\n<p>In its launch press release, Redrow likened it to a ‘blade of light, its glass fin protruding dramatically to add a sculptural quality to Redrow London’s first flagship development’. However, it enjoyed the dubious accolade of nomination for the 2014 Carbuncle Cup and the incredulity of <em>Building Design</em>: ‘First flagship development? Please God let it also be their last. No one who can liken this incoherent hulk of ill-fitting glass sheets to a blade of light deserves to build again in such a sensitive location’.[^8]</p>\n\n<p>Ghettoization of the affordable-housing entrance also did not go unnoticed. It was dubbed the ‘poor door’, a term used of similar segregation in New York. The <em>Guardian</em> investigated the advent of ‘poor doors’, and soon weekly protests were being mounted by the radical protest group Class War in 2014-15, including an occupation of the main reception.[^9] Modest improvements were made to the Tyne Street entrance, including better lighting, and the ‘affordable’ housing flats are now known as ‘Houblon Apartments’. Redrow sold Relay House at the end of 2014 to Angelo, Gordon & Co., and Hondo Enterprises (owned by ‘Texan socialite’ Taylor McWilliams), involved variously in private equity, investment and development, for whom the design practice Acrylicize installed a section of London Underground Tube carriage, adapted as a sitting area and ‘fully powered working space’. Some alterations have since been made in Relay House for Mindspace, which offers ‘upscale, professional co-working environment with boutique-style offices and meeting rooms’ within the building, which was offered for sale again in 2017. Several of the flats are now owned by offshore companies, and others, including some of the ‘affordable’ Houblon Apartments, used as holiday rentals.[^10]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: <em>Estates Gazette</em>, via egi.co.uk, 7 January 2001: Tower Hamlets planning applications online (THP)</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: THP: <em>Estates Gazette</em>, via egi.co.uk, 22 Mary 2008</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: <em>The Times</em>, 3 Sept 2011, p. 67: <a href=\"https://beta.companieshouse.gov.uk/officers/xw9_glOabBtd3oOHqNCi0A4yU0c/appointments\">https://beta.companieshouse.gov.uk/officers/xw9_glOabBtd3oOHqNCi0A4yU0c/appointments</a>: <em>Information Memorandum: The Aldgate East Property Company Ltd, 2007: </em><a href=\"https://colliersresidential.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/OCS-Penthouse-Brochure.pdf\">https://colliersresidential.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/OCS-Penthouse-Brochure.pdf</a></p>\n\n<p>[^4]: THP</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: <em>The Times</em>, 3 Sept 2011, p. 67</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: http://www.costar.co.uk/en/assets/news/2011/October/AXA-buys-City-IBIS-hotel-for-38m/: THP</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: THP</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: https://www.bdonline.co.uk/carbuncle-cup-one-commercial-street-by-sigma-seifert-architects/5069773.article: Building Design Online, 16 July 2014</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2014/jul/25/poor-doors-segregation-london-flats: John Bennett, <em>Mob Town: A History of Crime and Disorder in the East End</em>, 2017, pp. 281-2</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: http://www.costar.co.uk/en/assets/news/2014/November/Angelo-Gordon-swoops-on-tower-buy/: http://www.costar.co.uk/en/assets/news/2017/July/22-story-Aldgate-tower-hits-the-market-for-100m/: <a href=\"http://www.bqlive.co.uk/london-the-south/2017/08/10/news/european-co-working-provider-expands-into-london-26879/\">http://www.bqlive.co.uk/london-the-south/2017/08/10/news/european-co-working-provider-expands-into-london-26879/</a>: <a href=\"http://www.costar.co.uk/en/assets/news/2018/March/Brixton-Markets-tenant-sells-on-to-US-investor-after-11th-hour-buy/\">http://www.costar.co.uk/en/assets/news/2018/March/Brixton-Markets-tenant-sells-on-to-US-investor-after-11th-hour-buy/</a>: <a href=\"http://www.private-eye.co.uk/registry\">http://www.private-eye.co.uk/registry</a>: <a href=\"https://www.booking.com/hotel/gb/trendy-amp-stylish-1-bed-apartment-in-east-london.en-gb.html\">https://www.booking.com/hotel/gb/trendy-amp-stylish-1-bed-apartment-in-east-london.en-gb.html</a>: <a href=\"http://www.acrylicize.com/work/c-stock/\">http://www.acrylicize.com/work/c-stock/</a></p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2018-07-04",
"last_edited": "2020-09-18"
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{
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"title": "Whitechapel Peabody Estate",
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"body": "<p>The housing to either side of Rosemary Lane in the early nineteenth century was bad even by the low standards of that time. In 1838 Thomas Southwood Smith highlighted the area’s disease-infested insalubrities as exemplifying poor conditions in Whitechapel more generally. Blue Anchor Yard, he said, ‘abounds with narrow courts, in which the accumulation of filth is excessive, and it is scarcely possible for any air to penetrate.’[^1] In the mid 1840s, John Liddle, Medical Officer of Health to the Whitechapel Union, oversaw paving and drainage improvements in an area that he characterised as having many 200-year old houses. After a serious outbreak of cholera, Thomas Lovick, Assistant Surveyor to the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers, visited in 1848 to cleanse Hare Brain (elsewhere Hairbrain) Court. He reported that his assistants found it the most offensive place they had encountered. Its thirteen ‘wretched and dilapidated’ houses had thirty-two rooms inhabited by 157 people, the court outside had ‘fish, soil, and offal and refuse of various kinds … strewn about the surface’, and there were overflowing cesspools, with no water supply and pig-keeping.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>Henry Mayhew followed on with reports that the cheap lodging houses in the courts off Rosemary Lane were occupied by poor Irish, many of them street sellers, and ‘dredgers, ballast-heavers, coal-whippers, watermen, lumpen, and others whose trade is connected with the river, as well as the slop-workers and sweaters’. He explained that this was ‘a large district interlaced with narrow lanes, courts, and alleys ramifying into each other in the most intricate and disorderly manner... The houses are of the poorest description, and seem as if they tumbled into their places at random. Foul channels, huge dust-heaps, and a variety of other unsightly objects, occupy every open space, and dabbling among these are crowds of ragged dirty children who grab and wallow, as if in their native element. None reside in these places but the poorest and most wretched of the population, and, as might almost be expected, this, the cheapest and filthiest locality of London, is the head-quarters of the bone-grubbers and other street-finders.’[^3]</p>\n\n<p>There was some rebuilding in the early 1850s, around thirty new houses going up, mainly on Hare Brain Court and in Blue Anchor Yard, but these too were evidently of a poor standard and little else was done. Cholera revisited a district that retained its reputation as one of London’s worst. Once Royal Mint Street had been widened on its north side, there was local dismay in early 1875 when accommodation for railway companies was preferred over the building of artisans’ dwellings as a use for the cleared land.[^4]</p>\n\n<p>Within weeks a major new opportunity opened upon the passage of the Artizans and Labourers’ Dwellings Improvement Act of 1875, sponsored by the Home Secretary, Richard Assheton Cross. This legislative milestone made it possible for the first time for the Metropolitan Board of Works to over-ride local reluctance to tackle London’s slums through its own compulsory purchases of areas designated as unhealthy. The idea was that acquisition and clearance by the metropolitan authority would facilitate development by model-dwellings companies. In practice there were significant difficulties and delays as regards land value, compensation and rehousing. John Liddle, now the Medical Officer of Health for Whitechapel District Board of Works, jumped in immediately in July 1875 to make representations as to the urgency of applying the new Act to the area south of Royal Mint Street, citing disease, poor health and housing ‘unfit for human habitation’. He defined a six-acre redevelopment area with a population of about 3,750 averaging more than eight persons per house. Approvals following a local inquiry led to the Whitechapel and Limehouse Improvement Act of 1876, which made this part of Whitechapel the first area anywhere so to be addressed. The legislation stipulated no reduction in overall housing capacity, so the project as first agreed aimed to build tenements to house 3,870. The target was not quite met; after fifteen years of convolutions, thirty-six blocks had been built to house 3,600. The MBW had spent £187,558, almost all of it on buying property and recouped only £35,795 from the sale of land.</p>\n\n<p>Plans adumbrated before the end of 1875 from within the MBW (so prepared under George Vulliamy) proposed widened streets and twenty-one blocks across the whole district, generally laid out as parallel, mostly east–west ranges. One constraint on planning was the Great Eastern Railway viaduct, which bisected the clearance area, others were Peek’s new premises on the west side of Glasshouse Street and the Weigh House School on Providence Place just west of the parish boundary. Robert Vigers, who was surveyor to the Peabody Trustees, was consulted in 1876. He put forward an alternative scheme for blocks laid out more north–south. A year later at the request of the Whitechapel District Board of Works, already deploring delays, it was decided to start at the east end of the area, phasing the project to avoid too much displacement. Terms for letting sites for development were settled in 1878, but complications with purchases, arbitration and rehousing made progress slow.[^5]</p>\n\n<p>The financing of the project, with the MBW generally having to pay market prices and, while keen to minimise losses, obliged to sell for the purpose of working-class housing, played out to make the site unattractive to investors. In January 1879 no buyers could be found when building leases of the easterly ground were advertised envisaging seven blocks. After private negotiations, the Trustees of the Peabody Donation Fund offered £10,000 (only half the MBW’s reserve price) in May 1879 for the freehold of the area around the north end of Glasshouse Street as part of a package that embraced five other sites across London. An auction generated just one bid for the Whitechapel property and none for the others; the Peabody offer was accepted in July. The MBW was thus compelled to sell below its asking price, so accepting a considerable loss and effectively and controversially subsidising tenement construction.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>The Peabody Trust had been building tenement blocks to house London’s ‘respectable’ poor since soon after its foundation in 1862 by George Peabody, an American merchant banker. The Trust’s architect, Henry Astley Darbishire, had introduced courtyard layouts or squares in Islington in 1865 and maintained a consistent and distinctive house style. Darbishire stuck to his preferences, revising the scheme for the Glasshouse Street area to project eleven five-storey blocks (in ten buildings) to house 1,372 in 286 flats with 628 rooms. He ignored the parallel block ideas and introduced a western courtyard or square, albeit compromised by a block at its centre, necessary to meet the required densities. These plans were personally approved by R. A. Cross in early 1880 and this was the first of the MBW’s slum-clearance projects to be taken forward. John Mowlem & Co. had widened the north end of Glasshouse Street in 1879; their granite-sett road surface survives. Blue Anchor Yard was also reshaped. The housing blocks went up in 1880, some not completed until early 1881 when ownership of the land was transferred. William Cubitt & Co., Peabody’s usual contractor, carried out the building work, which cost £57,704.[^7]</p>\n\n<p>Whitechapel’s Peabody Estate maintained heights of five storeys where other slum-clearance projects of the early 1880s were obliged to rise to six (basement dwellings were not permitted). Despite the density, irregularity in the layout and the detachment of the blocks maintained an openness that made this accidentally one of the more attractive Peabody estates. Outwardly the blocks were standard Peabody structures, if more than usually austere with pale yellow gault-brick elevations broken up only by dentilled bands and cornices. There are terracotta-dressed porches in entrance elevations, those to the west of Glasshouse Street (Blocks D to K) having the central three bays breaking forward, a matter of making space for staircases more than an aesthetic gesture. The internal planning of the blocks followed that used in Peabody estates since 1871 at Blackfriars Road, one- and two-bedroom flats compactly grouped so as to be free of corridors, with a laundry on each floor as had been introduced at Pimlico in 1876. Blocks B and C were different with four-bedroom flats in the main range and single two-bedroom flats and laundries per floor in rear annexes. Block A was another variant that the nature of the site forced on Darbishire.[^8] </p>\n\n<p>Even before they were complete, the Whitechapel Board of Guardians was criticising the Peabody blocks as unsuitable ‘for the class of tenants requiring rooms’ and ‘unhealthy because they are so arranged that no sunlight and little air are admitted’. The District Board of Works also found fault with internal ventilation.[^9]</p>\n\n<p>In July 1881, six weeks after it had opened as the first fruit of the MBW’s slum-clearance efforts, the Whitechapel Peabody Estate was visited by a Parliamentary Select Committee on Artisans’ and Labourers’ Dwellings. The committee found it to be almost fully occupied, by 1,260 people in 286 families, but only eleven people previously housed on the site had moved into the new buildings. Rents, which started at 3<em>s</em>for a one-room flat, had risen greatly and it was in any case Peabody policy to aim for ‘respectable’ tenants. The committee had already been told by Liddle that the buildings were inhabited ‘by a superior class to those who have gone away’, mostly Irish, gone he knew not where, the new people being from ‘the artisan class, the respectable class of working men’.[^10]</p>\n\n<p>This kind of tenancy was maintained into the twentieth century. In 1910 Block L was added between Blocks A and B on the east side of Glasshouse Street, on the site of Glasshouse Buildings, an early nineteenth-century court north of Shorter’s Rents that had escaped clearance in the 1870s. W. E. Wallis was Peabody’s architect and William Cubitt & Co. were again the builders. This block of twenty-one flats represents changes in Peabody’s standard forms that had been manifested elsewhere, notably a sixth storey to the centre for a laundry, and white-brick bands in yellow stock-brick elevations.[^11] </p>\n\n<p>Coal stores flanking Block F and bicycle and pram sheds around the estate’s perimeters went up in 1909, 1911 and 1920. A plan in 1931 to replace 53–54 Royal Mint Street with a three-storey block comprising a bathhouse under two three-bedroom flats was not carried through. A communal bathhouse was still intended in 1949, but again not built.[^12] </p>\n\n<p>Block K on the west side of Glasshouse Street was destroyed in the Blitz, on 8 September 1940, killing seventy-eight people, most of whom were in the block’s air-raid shelter. A plaque of 1995 on Block L commemorates this disaster.[^13] </p>\n\n<p>Overall modernisation was carried out in 1967–77 to make all the Peabody flats self-contained, that is no longer ‘associated’ with shared WCs and sculleries. Ward & Paterson Ltd, builders, carried out this work to plans by F. E. F. Atkinson, Peabody’s surveyor. Block D, damaged in 1940 but repaired, was now demolished to reduce density and open up the courtyard. The building’s footprint was retained for a sunken ball-game area within brick walls in 1977 by H. N. K. Gosewinkel Ltd, contractor. Contemplation of a comprehensive redevelopment in the 1970s came to nothing. In 1999 Farrar Huxley Associates relandscaped the playground and gave it play equipment within iron railings.[^14]</p>\n\n<p>The northeast corner gap between Blocks E and F was infilled in 2001–2 with the building of the Threshold Centre at 80 John Fisher Street, Peabody employing Greenhill Jenner Architects and Roper Construction Ltd, contractor. Under a monopitch roof and with bright-red facing, this gave the estate community facilities with an upper-storey children’s play-space/nursery over offices, a meeting room and a computer workshop.[^15]</p>\n\n<p>The site of K Block remained empty save for car parking until 2012–14 when Peabody erected a residential block on the site that it named Darbishire Place. This was built by Sandwood Design and Build, to designs by Niall McLaughlin Architects (McLaughlin working with Tilo Guenther, one of his associates). It provided thirteen ‘affordable’ family flats in five storeys, maintaining the estate’s height, massing and open layout, but extending southwards to make the project financially feasible. It complements without copying the existing brick elevations (the specified colour changed during the design stage when the other blocks were cleaned) and deep white window reveals, here in precast concrete. There is an elegant curved staircase, and balconies overlook the central playground. Darbishire Place was praised for its contextual subtlety and shortlisted for the Royal Institute of British Architects’ Stirling Prize in 2015. The once cramped array of Victorian tenements was now hailed as having ‘a generously dimensioned square’.[^16]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: <em>Fourth Annual Report of the Poor Law Commissioners</em>, 1838, p. 145 </p>\n\n<p>[^2]: ‘Report of the Select Committee on Artisans’ and Labourers’ Dwellings’, <em>Parliamentary Papers</em>, 1881 (358), pp .8–9: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), MCS/476/043 </p>\n\n<p>[^3]: Henry Mayhew, <em>London Labour and the London Poor</em>, vol. 2, 1861, pp. 45–6, 140</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: LMA, District Surveyors Returns (DSR): <em>The Builder</em>, 1 Sept. 1866, p. 655; 3 April 1875, pp. 295–6; 10 June 1876, p. 570</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: Metropolitan Board of Works Minutes (MBW Mins), 30 July 1875, pp. 178–9; 3 March, 28 April and 16 June 1876, pp. 334–5, 592, 847–8; 9 Nov. 1877, p. 546; 1 March 1878, p. 340 and passim: LMA, MBW/1838/17; SC/PM/ST/01/002: <em>The Builder</em>, 24 Nov. 1877, p. 1181: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), I/MIS/6/1/1: ed. C. J. Stewart, <em>The Housing Question in London</em>, 1900, pp. 112–18: Anthony S. Wohl, <em>The Eternal Slum: Housing and Social Policy in Victorian London</em>, 1977, pp. 92–140</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: MBW Mins, 4 July 1879, pp. 25–8 and passim: LMA, MBW/1838/17: <em>The Builder</em>, 28 Feb 1880, p. 267: ‘Report of the Select Committee on Artisans’ and Labourers’ Dwellings’, <em>Parliamentary Papers</em>, 1881 (358), pp. 204–5: John Nelson Tarn, ‘The Peabody Donation Fund: the role of a housing society in the nineteenth century’, <em>Victorian Studies</em>, Sept. 1966, pp. 7–38: Wohl, p. 162</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: MBW Mins, 14 Feb. 1879, p. 232; 26 Nov. 1880, pp. 726–9: LMA, DSR; LCC/VA/DD/167: <em>The Builder</em>, 1 March 1879, p.241; 19 Feb. 1881, p.230: Peabody Archives, WHC.03; WHC.07</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: Tarn, <em>loc. cit.</em>, p. 32: Irina Davidovici, ‘Renewable Principles in Henry Astley Darbishire’s Peabody Estates, 1864 to 1885’, in (eds) Peter Guillery and David Kroll, <em>Mobilising Housing Histories: Learning from London’s Past</em>, 2017, pp. 57–73</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: <em>The Builder</em>, 26 June 1880, p. 810; 4 Dec. 1880, p. 683</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: ‘Report of the Select Committee on Artisans’ and Labourers’ Dwellings’, <em>Parliamentary Papers</em>, 1881 (358), pp. 10,103: Stewart, <em>op. cit.</em>, p. 117: Tarn, <em>loc. cit.</em></p>\n\n<p>[^11]: Peabody Archives, WHC.17: DSR: London County Council Minutes, 14 Dec 1909, p. 1348: THLHLA, Building Control (BC) file 22151: The National Archives, IR58/84824/4148 –4216</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: DSR: THLHLA, L/THL/D/2/30/129; BC file 22151</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: THLHLA, P08106: <em>Peabody Times</em>, winter 1996, p.4</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: THLHLA, BC file 22151: LMA, ACC/3445/PT/08/033</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: THLHLA, BC file 25375: Tower Hamlets planning applications online</p>\n\n<p>[^16]: <em>Architects Journal</em>, 4 July 2011; 8 Oct. 2015: Tower Hamlets planning applications online</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2019-05-01",
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{
"id": 915,
"title": "117–135 Leman Street and 11–13 Hooper Street ",
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"body": "<p>This group went up in 1845–6 on what had been part of the large Rohde sugar refinery site as a corner-wrapping terrace of fourteen three-storey shophouses – 14 Hooper Street came down in the 1980s. It was a substantial speculation by George William Mayhew, a young builder–developer, whose base was on Argyll Street in Westminster. Mayhew (1818–80) was a trained architect, but he might have involved his older architect brother, Charles Mayhew, as he did in 1846–9 for a higher-status development at Ennismore Gardens near Knightsbridge. Their father, James Gray Mayhew, an architect and district surveyor in Westminster, had died in March 1845; Mayhew started building on Leman Street in May. The houses, shops and workshops with dwellings over, are of red brick with yellow stock-brick trim, the windows and parapets recessed so as to give the projecting sections the appearance of pilaster strips. A long range to the rear may have been a warehouse, coach-house and stables erected by Mayhew in 1846.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>The Mayhew property came into the hands of the Co-operative Wholesale Society in the early twentieth century. The block may have been acquired in order to avoid rights-to-light claims or perhaps with a view to future replacement with a structure to match the scale of its CWS neighbours, but nothing much was done and the Society continued to let shophouses to individual tenants up to about 1970. </p>\n\n<p>Work to the front walls was approved in 1937–8 when L. G. Ekins, the CWS architect, also proposed further alterations. Attention to cornices was specified, and it is tempting to see Ekins’s hand in the toothed brickwork in the parapet recesses, though this detail could be original, as the diagonally set courses above the second-storey window arches appear to be. </p>\n\n<p>From the turn of the century to the Second World War, No. 119 was occupied by the East End Mission to the Jews. In the 1920s the corner unit at No. 117 was taken by the National Co-operative Publishing Society Ltd, succeeded in the 1930s by the Anchor Co-operative Society Ltd until around 1970. The International Co-operative Women’s Guild had No. 135 for a period either side of 1950. </p>\n\n<p>By the 1940s the warehouse range to the rear was let as a metal-box factory. It was demolished around 2000 for Pump House Mews.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), District Surveyors Returns (DSR): ed. P. Temple, <em>Survey of London</em>, vol. 45: <em>Knightsbridge</em>, 2000, p. 164: H. M. Colvin, <em>A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects 1660–1840</em>, 3rd edn, 1995, pp. 648–9: <em>Directory of British Architects 1834–1914</em>, 2001, p. 158</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: LMA, GLC/AR/BR/17/45017; GLC/AR/BR/17/077326/02; DSR: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, L/THL/D/2/30/81 and 88; L/SMB/C/1/3: Post Office Directories</p>\n",
"created": "2019-05-10",
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"title": "The expansion of the CWS Tea Department to the sites of 80–86 Leman Street",
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"body": "<p>The Co-operative Wholesale Society had considered purchasing the freehold of 86 Leman Street in 1895 but apparently did not do so immediately.[^1] By 1910 it owned the cleared sites of Nos 84–86, adjoining the tea warehouse to the north, with joint frontages of 61ft 6in on Leman Street and 64ft 8in on Tenter Street, which were then occupied by temporary iron sheds built for the CWS by W. Whitford & Co.[^2] From 1886 84 Leman Street was leased by the trustees of the Poor Jews’ Temporary Shelter, a property which in 1893 was advertised as a ‘well-built’ four-storey house with a large yard and workshop together with a small house at 18 Tenter Street East comprising a total of 2,100 feet.[^3 ]By 1906, when a new shelter was built to its north at 82 Leman Street, the old shelter was ‘dilapidated’;[^4] it was empty by at least 1914 and remained so in 1921.[^5] No. 86 Leman Street had been the Whittington Club and Chambers for Working Youths from 1886; this was a descendant of the East London Industrial School and Shoeblack Society, which had occupied the same building from about 1874, and both institutions were run by William Tourell.[^6] In 1901, 86 Leman Street was home to ninety-six men, many of them shoeblacks.[^7]</p>\n\n<p>In 1912 E. W. Chicken, new manager of the CWS building department, had applied successfully to make openings in the division walls on the north side of the tea premises on Leman Street, presumably in readiness for a further extension. However, perhaps on account of the First World War, the temporary iron building was still standing in 1925 and the new development did not take place until 1928–30, when a seven-storey steel-framed bonded tea warehouse with a neo-classical front was built to designs by L. G. Ekins.[^8] To mark the opening of the newly expanded tea department, a celebratory lunch ‘with an oriental flavour’ was held at the Connaught Rooms in Mayfair, the entrance disguised as an Oriental warehouse in which waiters ‘dressed as coolies’ with darkened faces served Ramsay MacDonald, the Prime Minister, among the 700 guests.[^9]</p>\n\n<p>In 1935, the bulk of the tea supplied by the E&SCWS came from northern India – Darjeeling, Assam, the Dooars, Cahsar, Sylhet and the Terai, and the remainder from Ceylon, Java and Sumatra, with smaller quantities imported from Nyasaland (Malawi) and China.[^10] After tasting and selection, the tea was delivered from Mincing Lane to Leman Street, where it was blended to suit local water types and preferences across the United Kingdom before packing and distribution.[^11] ‘Whether it is the Assam favoured in Ireland, or the green tea beloved in Derbyshire; whether for the hard water of Northumberland, or Thirlmere water in Manchester; or for Scotland, where quite dissimilar tastes prevail, the right tea is blended for the whole United Kingdom’;[^12] in order to test this, samples of water were sent to Leman Street so as to ‘meet the necessities of any county in the country’.[^13] The packing and labelling was now managed by ‘one uncanny monster of steel’ and could, with the attention of ‘one girl’, turn out 24,000 packets a day.[^14] Increased mechanisation had greatly reduced the female labour force in the preceding decades, which was achieved ‘without hardship’ through the policy of employing only single women who left when they married.[^15] In the 1930s the E&SCWS held the largest share of the tea market at thirty per cent.[^16] According to its own statistics the tea department was now ‘India’s biggest customer’, and was the ‘greatest grower, importer and distributor of tea in the world’.[^17] As the <em>Co-operative News</em> put it in 1930, Britain had become a nation of tea drinkers and there were now nine million people drinking co-operative teas.[^18] In 1956, the Monopolies and Restrictive Practices Commission reported that the CWS was, with Brooke Bond, Lyons and Ty-Phoo, one of the ‘big four’, but since none held a one-third share, this did not constitute a monopoly.[^19]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: National Co-operative Archive (NCA), E&SCWS Tea Committee Minutes (date obscured), <em>c</em>.12 November 1895.</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: The National Archives (TNA), IR 58/84831 plot nos 4801–2: London County Council Minutes, 21–22 June 1910, p. 1360.</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: <em>The Globe</em>, 25 May 1893, p. 8.</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Leman Street drainage plans, 82 Leman Street, 1905, Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), L/THL/D/2/30/88; Aubrey Newman, ‘The Poor Jews’ Temporary Shelter: an episode in migration studies’, <em>Jewish Historical Studies</em>, Vol. 40, 2005, pp. 141–55.</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: Ancestry, Whitechapel Land Tax records, 1914, 1921.</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: <em>The Justice of the Peace</em>, 21 March 1874, p. 185.</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: TNA, RG13/307 folio 127, pp. 1–6.</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), District Surveyros Returns serial nos 1925.059; 1929.0055: Leman Street drainage plans, 82–84 [sic] Leman Street, 1928, THLHLA, L/THL/D/2/30/88.</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: ‘A Novel Celebration’, <em>The Scotsman</em>, 23 April 1931, p. 10.</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: E&SCWS Ltd., <em>The Romance of Tea</em>, 1935, p. 15.</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: <em>Romance of Tea</em>, p. 17.</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: ‘Round the Tea Department’, <em>The Wheatsheaf</em>, January 1913, p. 105; <em>Romance of Tea</em>, pp. 17–18</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: ‘Packing Tea in East London’, supplement to <em>The Wheatsheaf</em>, May 1913, p. ii.</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: <em>Romance of Tea</em>, p. 18.</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: ‘Packing Tea in East London’, supplement to <em>The Wheatsheaf</em>, May 1913, p. ii.</p>\n\n<p>[^16]: Burnett, <em>Liquid Pleasures</em>, p. 65.</p>\n\n<p>[^17]: ‘India’s Biggest Customer’, <em>Northampton Mercury</em>, 15 May 1936, p. 12.</p>\n\n<p>[^18]: ‘The New Warehouse in Pictures’, <em>Co-operative News</em>, supplement, 6 December 1930, p. 3.</p>\n\n<p>[^19]: Burnett, <em>Liquid Pleasures</em>, p. 67.</p>\n",
"created": "2019-03-29",
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"id": 686,
"title": "178 Whitechapel Road",
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"body": "<p>Like the London Hospital Tavern, this shophouse was built in the late 1870s following the construction of the East London Railway. The site had earlier been that of an open shed pertaining to the tavern. Early or first occupants were E. Andrews & Co., leather merchants, for whom the long workshop range to the rear was reconstructed in 1901 by Walter Gladding. The premises housed a notable bookshop from 1980 to 2008. Originally the Tower Hamlets Arts Project Community Bookshop, first established at Watney Market in 1977, this was known as Eastside Bookshop from 1994. It continues at 166 Brick Lane as the Brick Lane Bookshop.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>Further east on what became the enlarged Post Office site in the 1960s, George Lambert, a coachmaker, and James Percival, a soapmaker, had adjacent premises in the first years of the nineteenth century. Lambert was succeeded by Joseph Norbury, a coppersmith, and then from 1853 to the 1890s by William Henry Myers, a printer. Walter Gladding, builder, had premises here known as Byfield Works from 1894. He had rebuilt a number of this frontage’s two-storey properties on a larger scale by 1903. The Whitechapel Road Synagogue was under a glass roof to the rear of 192 Whitechapel Road by that date up to 1932.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), District Surveyor's Returns (DSR): Post Office Directories (POD): Tower Hamlets planning applications online: <a href=\"http://bricklanebookshop.org/history/Our%20History%20-%20The%20Bookshop.html\">http://bricklanebookshop.org/history/Our%20History%20-%20The%20Bookshop.html</a></p>\n\n<p>[^2]: LMA, Tower Hamlets Commissioners of Sewers ratebooks; DSR; GLC/AR/BR/22/020710; ACC/2893/202: Royal London Hospital Archives, RLHLH/F/10/3: POD: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, C/OFR/1/14/15/1–2: The National Archives, IR58/84804/2193–2200; IR58/84805/2202–6</p>\n",
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"title": "When I lived in the sailors' home... and a few broken plates",
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"body": "<p>I lived in the sailor home, Dock St, in '57, moved to the Hearts of Oak pub, Dock St. In Ensign St, corner of the Highway, my landlord was a Maltese man, Mr Sapiro... when drunk he used to throw plates and pots out the first-floor window into the Highway. I hope it brings you a bit of history!</p>\n",
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"title": "T. Venables & Sons Ltd buildings, 102 to 105 Whitechapel High Street",
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"body": "<p>This corner building was erected in 1909 as part of T. Venables & Sons Ltd, general drapers and furnishers. Apart from <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/1440/detail/\">Gardiner's</a> on the opposite side of the road, Venables was the largest store that ever graced the High Street. Although it began as a typical linen drapers and silk mercers, by 1858 it had become a proto-department store. The stress was always on ‘extraordinarily low prices’.[^1] From small beginnings at No. 103 in 1825, over the next fifty years the firm expanded greatly on this corner site and into other buildings on Commercial Street and the High Street before finally being wound up in 1927.</p>\n\n<p>The business started in 1825 when the two young sons of Cornelius Venables (1773-1841), a mercer and linen draper in Whitchurch, Shropshire, set up in London. They were William (b. 1799, fl. 1851) and Thomas (1800-1875) Venables, who first appear briefly in 1825 as ‘silk mercers of 234 Whitechapel Road' (the building adjoining Meggs’s almshouses, giving access to Hampshire Court and later deployed to give access to the <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/838/detail/\">Earl of Effingham</a> theatre), though with no evidence they had a shop there, and ‘of’ 134 High Street the same year.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>By 1827 W. & T. Venables had opened a shop at the more central High Street site at No. 103, near the corner with Essex Street, formerly Catherine Wheel Alley, later Commercial Street.[^3] They dissolved their partnership in 1830 when William went off to set up his own less-than-successful venture in Lamb’s Conduit Street in Holborn (bankrupt by 1834, and sentenced to four months’ imprisonment for giving an unsatisfactory account of his losses).[^4]. Thomas was then joined in partnership by a younger brother, John (1803-79). The Whitechapel shop at No. 103 appears, from a description during a court case in 1842, to have been predictably domestic in scale, with a separate ‘bonnet room’ at the rear.[^5] Although only four storeys high, including the shop, in 1841 the building accommodated Thomas Venables, his wife and young son, another younger brother Charles (1815-77), who soon returned to Shropshire, and twenty-three shop assistants, mostly men in their early twenties, living in presumably cramped dormitory conditions, with five servants, to cater for both the family and assistants.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>There were a further half dozen assistants and servants living in 1841, along with John and Robert Venables, at <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/356/detail/#site\">No. 106</a> High Street, on the west corner with Essex Street, where the family had opened another shop in 1837. They had to give it up in 1843 for the widening of Essex Street into Commercial Street, instead decamping to 132 High Street, between Old Castle Street and Goulston Street, and seeking a lavish £4,000 compensation (knocked down to £1,300) from the Commissioners of Woods and Forests for the loss of the advantageous corner site - one which may have been chosen, one ventures, given the brief sojourn there of the business, with a view to the compensation in the long-projected new street.[^7]</p>\n\n<p>An opportunity to expand on a single site came in 1846 when Venables gave up No. 132 and took over the building that adjoined No. 103, on the east corner with Commercial Street. The new premises, formerly 104 and 105, were already a substantial building three windows wide, soon to be renamed ‘Commerce House’.[^8]</p>\n\n<p>The same year the Venables brothers had taken over a bankrupt drapers at 34 Aldgate High Street. The two businesses, although each brother was a partner in both, were separate companies and different in character, the Aldgate shop, run by John and another brother, Robert (1817-80), described as ‘woollen drapers’ and the Whitechapel shop, run by Thomas, as ‘silk mercers’ and ‘Manchester warehouse’ (ie, cotton goods).[^9]</p>\n\n<p>In 1854 the partnerships were dissolved and the businesses separated and Thomas Venables was joined in Whitechapel in 1858 by his two sons, Thomas Glascott (1830-1903) and Charles (1832-92).[^10] The infusion of young blood saw a major expansion of Venables business, with carpets augmenting the drapery business, by 1858, ‘the largest and cheapest stock in the kingdom’.[^11] The stress on low prices in a poor area had perhaps predictable consequences: on a number of occasions in the 1820s and 1830s one or other Venables had been called as a witness in court cases where they had purchased at a suspiciously low price goods later discovered to have been stolen; as the business expanded, however, they were more likely to be the victims of shoplifting, swindles and staff pilfering.[^12]</p>\n\n<p>By 1861 Thomas Venables senior and his two sons were living in large houses in East and West Ham, but the Whitechapel shops still housed around thirty assistants and servants.[^13] In 1862 a substantial range of buildings was put up along the slow-to-develop Commercial Street – Nos 2 to 16, later numbered 2, 4, 6 and 8 - adjoining the rear of Venables’ corner building at 104-5 High Street.[^14]</p>\n\n<p>The handsome four-storey range in stock brick was to the designs of the City architect Isaac Clarke (1800-85), a friend of the Venableses since the early 1850s.[^15] It featured Italianate stucco surrounds to the windows (similar being added to the existing High Street frontage, as a stab at visual uniformity), those on the first floor tall and round-headed. It was probably at this time that the prominent flank wall of No. 105 at the corner was fully rendered and a sign added the full height of the building with incised lettering: ‘VENABLES Estabd. 1825 FURNITURE CARPETS SILKS DRAPERY.’, signifying Venables’ expansion into commercial and domestic contract carpeting, and furniture.[^16] A reflection of this was the opening in 1873 of an extensive new furniture department in one of the deep new warehouses (No. 16, later <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/418/detail/\">No. 29</a>) on the opposite side of Commercial Street, north of the Baptist church, complete with a wall-crane and loading doors at first and second floors.[^17]</p>\n\n<p>They further extended the Commercial Street block to nearly 170ft, matching Clarke’s design, taking in Nos 10-12 (now No. 4) and the sites of two small houses on the south side of Commercial Place, in 1874.[^18] By then Thomas Venables Senior was retired to a large house in Wanstead and by 1881 ninety-seven men and women were employed in the business.[^19] That year the furniture warehouse at No. 29 closed, though perhaps only because its location was some distance from the main shop, as further expansion on the main site took place in 1885, when 102 High Street was absorbed.[^20] By 1891, with both the younger Venables brothers retired, and no further generations involved in the trade, T. Venables & Sons became a limited company, with Thomas Eagle Bye (1854-1932) as managing director by 1894 till at least 1914, though the Venables family retained the freehold of the building.[^21]</p>\n\n<p>Venables’ final expansion, in 1894, compensated for the loss of the furniture outlet, when they occupied 10,000 sq ft of premises at <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/356/detail/#site\">115 High Street</a> as a furniture outlet (see xx). Its acquisition freed up space at the main corner site for expanded displays of china, electroplate, glass and ironmongery, and a full house-furnishing service, including furniture, floor coverings of all kinds, china, electroplate, glass, and carpet-laying was available: ‘Houses furnished throughout at London’s lowest prices’.[^22] House removals and funerals were also offered, which may account for the firm’s stable yard on the east side of Back Church Lane, corner of Batty’s Gardens, south of Commercial Road, in the 1890s.[^23]</p>\n\n<p>By the early 20th century, Nos 102-05 were showing their age, and were demolished and rebuilt by C.R. Price of Bishopsgate in 1909, probably to the designs of John Wallis Chapman (1843-1915), as a single building, with the Commercial Street premises brought up to LCC standards with a new concrete staircase at the north end.[^24] The staff accommodation was improved, with the second floor of the whole premises devoted to women assistants’ rooms, the third to men’s; in 1911 the 36 assistants had 26 rooms, including a dining room each for the men and women [^25] The new building at 102-05 High Street, which also took in the first four bays of the 1860s Commercial Street building, is still extant. It is of orange-red brick to second and third floors, the plain windows with thin raised stone keystones, the first floor fully faced in cream faience with large shallow canted-bay display windows set within semi-circular arches. The canted corner of the building has a bulls-eye window set in a stone plaque topped with a pediment to the second floor, and originally had a prominent semi-circular oriel to the first floor, destroyed in the Second World War.</p>\n\n<p>Venables finally went out of business in 1928, remaining at No. 115 (see below) for a year after F.W. Woolworth acquired the whole building at 102-05, making various alterations in 1928-30 and 1939, including an island vitrine in the canted corner. [^26] The building was severely damaged during the war, the 1862 Commercial Street building burnt out and its frontage partly destroyed but Woolworth’s remained trading on the ground and first floors of the 1909 building.[^27]</p>\n\n<p>Essential repairs were carried out in 1948-51, and the upper floors of the 1862 building rebuilt and the frontage reinstated in 1955.[^28] Woolworth’s offered the lease of their premises for sale in 1954 and moved out of 102-05 High Street in 1960 when their purpose-built store at 114-18 High Street opened.[^29]</p>\n\n<p>The shop has since been a shoe shop, a knitwear shop, and for the past ten years sportswear, currently a branch of Sports Direct. The upper floors, known after the war as Fairholt House, housed shipping and freight agencies, though by 1970 the former drapers’ assistants’ floors had become the students’ union of City of London Polytechnic; in 1972 the building was owned by Eastern Avenue Investments, largely taken over by Guardian Properties (Holdings) Ltd that year.[^30] In 2001 another property firm, Valson International, converted the student union floors to offices, though educational use returned in 2010 with the opening there of the Al Ashraaf secondary school, which appears to have closed recently (chk) following unfavourable Ofsted inspection in 2017.[^31] Other current/recent occupants and users include the College of Advanced Studies, latterly operating only for venue hire, ‘Now Believe Glory Time’, community of street evangelists, the Al-Awaal language school, Eynsford College tutors and the chambers of barrister Anis Rahman, OBE.[^32] In April 2018 South Street Asset Management revealed a radical outline proposal to demolish the 1860s and 1890s buildings at 2-6 Commercial Street, and replace the whole site with 40,000 sq ft of offices in a 12- to 19--storey glass building, the altered façade of the 1909 building retained at the corner. The proposal includes landscaping the car park on the site of Spread Eagle Yard as a public garden.[^33]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: <em>East London Observer</em> (<em>ELO</em>), 13 Jan 1883, p. 7</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), MS 11936/500/1033104; Post Office Directories (POD): LMA, Land Tax returns (LT)</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: POD: Census: LMA, CLC/B/192/F/001/MS11936/500/1033104</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: <em>The London Gazette</em>, 1830, p. 1223: LMA, MS 11936/541/1175486</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: <a href=\"https://www.oldbaileyonline.org/browse.jsp?name=18420613\">Trial of Elizabeth Jackson, 13 June 1842</a> </p>\n\n<p>[^6]: Census</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: <em>Morning Post</em>, 26 June 1843, p. 7</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: <em>London Daily News</em>, 28 May 1851, p. 8</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: <em>The Champion</em>, 7 May 1837, p. 24: POD</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: <em>London Daily News</em>, 28 May 1851, p. 8: <em>The London Gazette</em>, 15 Sept 1854, p. 2855: POD: Ancestry</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 2 Dec 1858, p. 1: <em>Illustrated London News</em>, 1 Jan 1859, p.15</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 1 Nov 1826, p. 3: <em>Daily News</em>, 14 March 1828, p. 4: <em>Morning Post</em>, 29 April 1839, p. 7: <em>Bell’s New Weekly Messenger</em>, 11 Oct 1840, p. 7: <em>Morning Post</em>, 29 May 1855, p. 7: <em>ELO</em>, 10 April 1858, p. 4: <em>Lloyd’s Weekly London Newspaper</em>, 5 Feb 1860, p. 4</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: Census</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: POD</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: <em>The Builder</em> (<em>B</em>), 4 Feb 1860, p.80: Census</p>\n\n<p>[^16]: <em>Illustrated Weekly News</em>, 31 May 1862, p. 15</p>\n\n<p>[^17]: POD: Don Juan: <em>A Twofold Journey with Manifold Purposes</em>, London 1874, advertisement pages, p. X</p>\n\n<p>[^18]: POD</p>\n\n<p>[^19]: Census</p>\n\n<p>[^20]: POD</p>\n\n<p>[^21]: The National Archives (TNA), BT 31/15191/35136; BT 34/2632/35136; IR58/84809/2680: <em>Chelmsford Chronicle</em>, 9 Nov 1894, p. 5</p>\n\n<p>[^22]: <em>Tower Hamlets Independent</em>, 8 Dec 1894, p. 8: <em>ELO</em>, 17 Nov 1894, p. 2: <em>Essex Chronicle</em>, 9 April 1897, p. 6</p>\n\n<p>[^23]: Goad insurance plans</p>\n\n<p>[^24]: London County Council (LCC) Minutes (Mins), 13 July 1909, p. 159</p>\n\n<p>[^25]: TNA, IR58/84809/2680: Census: DSR</p>\n\n<p>[^26]: DSR</p>\n\n<p>[^27]: information Eric Shorter</p>\n\n<p>[^28]: Tower Hamlets planning applications online (THP)</p>\n\n<p>[^29]: <em>The Times</em>, 27 May 1954, p. 8</p>\n\n<p>[^30]: <em>The Guardian</em>, 18 April 1972, p. 25; 11 Oct 1979, p. 9: POD</p>\n\n<p>[^31]: <a href=\"https://reports.ofsted.gov.uk/inspection-reports/find-inspection-report/provider/ELS/138980\">https://reports.ofsted.gov.uk/inspection-reports/find-inspection-report/provider/ELS/138980</a></p>\n\n<p>[^32]: THP: <a href=\"http://www.anisrahmanchambers.co.uk/\">http://www.anisrahmanchambers.co.uk/</a>: <a href=\"https://www.alawwal.co.uk/\">https://www.alawwal.co.uk/</a> : <a href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1643315682656287/\">https://www.facebook.com/events/164331568265628^33]: 7/ </a></p>\n\n<p>[^33]: <a href=\"http://www.101whs.co.uk/\">http://www.101whs.co.uk/</a></p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2018-07-13",
"last_edited": "2021-04-27"
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{
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"title": "Danish–Norwegian Church",
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"body": "<p>In 1692 King Christian V of Denmark and Norway and his envoy, Hans Heinrich von Ahlefeldt, grew concerned to counter schismatic tendencies among Danish and Norwegian Lutherans in London who had formed a congregation in Wapping. The community, in part maritime-mercantile and engaged in the rapidly expanding Scandinavian timber trade, in part mercenary soldiers hired by William III to fight in Ireland, had prominence through the presence in London of Christian V’s son George, who had married Princess (later Queen) Anne in 1683. Influence was deployed and agreements were reached. In 1693 Marine Square’s promoters, Nicholas Barbon and associates, granted a 999-year building lease to John Butcher, a Southwark timber merchant and carpenter–builder, who was acting as an intermediary and trustee for the Danish congregation. Butcher was given until 1696 to erect a church, to surround it with forty lime trees and to enclose the square, which was not to be used as a churchyard, burials to be kept to immediately beneath the church. John Parsons reserved the right to use the church for the Anglican liturgy. To him and his partners the church would no doubt have been a welcome addition to the then developing garden square, for its respectability and for the residential allure it would create for well-heeled expatriates. </p>\n\n<p>Sir Thomas Trevor, Attorney-General, granted a warrant in April 1694 to Martin Lionfeld (also Morten Loynschar or Martin Lord Lyonfield) and Toger Wegersloff, Dano–Norwegian merchants resident in England, to erect the church in Marine Square for their compatriots. Other leaders of the merchant community, which had already raised £1,551, included Iver Brink, the congregation’s pastor who had been chaplain to the Danish forces in Ireland, Jonas Johnson and George Michelsen. The project was otherwise largely funded by King Christian V; he put forward upwards of £2,000 as well as an annual sum for maintenance. Lionfeld superintended the building project, which began immediately, the first stone being laid on 19 April 1694 by Mogens Skeel, Christian V’s representative, also known as a playwright. First designs, presumably arranged through Butcher, were by Thomas Woodstock, a carpenter who had worked at St Paul’s Cathedral, but who died that summer. In July Butcher’s lease was assigned to Lionfeld. Architectural supervision passed to Caius Gabriel Cibber, himself a Dane, Italian trained and principally a sculptor (his father had been a cabinet-maker to Christian IV). Simultaneously engaged on sculptural enrichments at Hampton Court and in his mid 60s, Cibber took on this role without charging a fee. The church was completed in time to be consecrated on 15 November 1696, having cost £4,608 5 2.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>The Danish–Norwegian church was a simple quoined brick rectangle with an apsidal east end. With its slight transeptal emphasis, implying a cross-axial layout, and the oculi above the outer-bay windows, it looked to models in London’s suburbs, not least St Mary Matfelon Whitechapel, as much as to post-Fire City churches. This is an architecture that is in keeping with what might be expected from the likes of Butcher and Woodstock. The cherub-keystones are likely to have been a Cibber touch. Below the clock tower and belfry to the west, the façade sported lead figures by Cibber representing Charity, flanked by Faith and Hope. These were preserved on the site until 1908 when they were acquired by the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen. Around the church’s 125ft by 75ft plot there was a dwarf brick wall with iron palisades. This was said to be in need of replacement in 1773, but seems to have endured if it was not replaced. </p>\n\n<p>The interior was cross-vaulted with a domical centre articulated by a stuccoed wreath. There were two west galleries in which there was a Father Smith organ. Prince George gave an oak pulpit that had been made by Grinling Gibbons for James II’s Roman Catholic chapel in Whitehall Palace. With carved evangelist figures and otherwise richly ornamented, it was on the north wall opposite a canopied royal pew enclosed with sash windows and lined with velvet. An elaborately aedicular Corinthian altarpiece carried large wooden figures, of Moses and St John the Baptist on pedestals, these probably by Cibber, with St Peter and St Paul above, perhaps not his work. A painting above the communion table that appears to represent the Last Supper was replaced at an unknown date by a depiction of the Agony in the Garden. The wooden figures and the painting were moved in the 1870s to the Danish Seamen’s Mission Church in Poplar, and thence to the Danish church of St Katharine’s, Regent’s Park. The pulpit was sold, its whereabouts, if it survives, are unknown.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>Cibber (d.1700), and his playwright son Colley Cibber (d.1757) were both buried in the vaults under the east end of the church, which survive. Among others interred here were Albert Borgard and Daniel Solander (d.1782), the Swedish botanist who sailed with Captain James Cook.</p>\n\n<p>The Dano-Norwegian union ended in 1814, but Frederick VI, now the King of Denmark, continued briefly to support the church, its congregation reduced as a result of Danish–British conflict in the Napoleonic wars. In 1816 the church was transferred to trustees operating as a charity and let out, going in 1825 to the Rev. George Charles (Boatswain) Smith of the British and Foreign Seamen’s Friends, for a mission that became known as the Mariners’ Church (also the Bethel Union). Smith’s eccentricities antagonised Anglicans and alternative uses were sought. Around 1840 the Swedish church close by to the east in Prince’s Square (opened in 1729) proposed absorbing the Danish church. Smith failed to pay the rent and was imprisoned for debt in 1845 (see St Paul, Dock Street). </p>\n\n<p>The building reopened in April 1845 as the British and Foreign Sailors’ Society’s Church. Then in 1856 it was let to the Rev. Charles Fuge Lowder to be part of his Anglo-Catholic mission attached to St George in the East, where his fellow Tractarian, the Rev. Bryan King, was based. Under Father Lowder the building was called Saint Saviour and the Cross chapel, alternatively St George’s Mission Chapel, and used for high-church worship, the imposition of which met riotous opposition in the parish of St George in 1859–60. The Danish charity was reformed in 1859 and there was a limited revival of use of the Wellclose Square church by a Danish congregation in the 1860s. The charity sold the church via the Bishop of London’s Fund in 1867–8 to the ministers and trustees of St Paul, Dock Street. The vaults were ordered closed, and the church was demolished in 1869.[^3]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: The National Archives (TNA), SP44/345, f.17; PROB11/551/212: British Library, Add MS 37232, f.100: Ernst Fridrick Wolff, <em>Samlinger til Historien af den Danske og Norske Evangeliske Lutherske Kirke i London dens Opkomst Fremgang og Tilstand</em>, 1802, pp. 32–3,48,391–442: John Southerden Burn, <em>The history of the French, Walloon, Dutch and other Foreign Protestant Refugees settled in England, etc</em>, 1846, pp. 241–3: Howard Colvin, <em>A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects 1660–1840</em>, 1995 (3rd edn), pp. 248,1079</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), SC/SS/07/024/238–41; P93/PAU2/142; P93/PAU2/197/1–2: National Maritime Museum, S9597: Wolff, <em>Samlingen</em>, p.363: <em>Gentleman’s Magazine</em>, 1827, part I, p. 304: Harald Faber, <em>Caius Gabriel Cibber, 1630–1700</em>, 1926, pp. 61–6,70: <em>Survey of London</em>, vol. 43: <em>Poplar, Blackwall and the Isle of Dogs</em>, 1994, p. 117: Margaret Whinney, <em>Sculpture in Britain, 1530–1830</em>, 1992, p. 442</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: LMA, P93/PAU2/118–27; P93/SAV/001: <em>The Builder</em>, 17 April 1869, p. 313: Faber, <em>op. cit.</em>: Survey of London notes from Swedish Church Records, Box OII/1: Post Office Directories: J. S. Burn,<em>op. cit.</em>, p. 243: Faber, <em>op. cit.</em>, pp. 67–70: information kindly supplied by Mark Willingale</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2018-10-09",
"last_edited": "2021-05-14"
},
{
"id": 702,
"title": "91–99 Fieldgate Street",
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"body": "<p>The London County Council took a lease of this cleared site in 1911 for a temporary school. A modest iron structure went up, set back from the road with open space on all sides, and the school opened in January 1913.[^1] The London Hospital Estate took the site back and it was redeveloped in 1926–7 to plans by Rowland Plumbe & Partners, with W. H. T. Kelland & Sons of Stoke Newington as builders. This was for Eva Pepper, a wholesale costume (dress) maker, who moved a family business here from 201 Whitechapel Road, continuing as I. Pepper & Sons. The three-storey premises constituted a house to the west and a workshop–warehouse block to the east, linked over vehicular access to an internal courtyard that included a garage. Other garment makers followed, and shopfronts were inserted. The complex was refurbished around 2013, with conversions for flats, and for light industry to the courtyard, which became Feather Mews. In 2017 the shops were Gusta and Dessert Island.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London County Council Minutes, 31 Oct. 1911, p. 911; 16 and 30 July and 22 Oct 1912, pp. 242, 515–6, 884; 10 June 1913, p. 1317: London Metropolitan Archives, District Surveyor's Returns (DSR): Ordnance Survey map, 1913</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: DSR: Post Office Directories: Tower Hamlets planning applications online</p>\n",
"created": "2018-07-09",
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},
{
"id": 721,
"title": "The site of 102 to 105 Whitechapel High Street before 1700",
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"body": "<p>The history of the site between Tewkesbury Buildings and Commercial Street (formerly Catherine Wheel Alley/Essex Street) is known from the sixteenth century and is significant as it included the Whitechapel bell foundry from, at latest, 1631, until it moved to its site in Whitechapel Road in the 1740s. </p>\n\n<p>The rest of the site is unusually well recorded in a series of seventeenth-, eighteenth- and nineteenth-century deeds which demonstrate a process that must have occurred all along the High Street: the development in the sixteenth century of alleys northwards along what were originally narrow burgage plots behind relatively modest earlier street-side houses, followed in the seventeenth century by the gradual reduction in number by amalgamation and rebuilding of both these alley cottages, and of the street-side houses, and the eventual elimination by building-over of the alleys and yet further amalgamation/rebuilding of street-side houses into larger buildings, in the eighteenth century and beyond.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>The site of Nos 102-105, along with No. 101, included two alleys: Bell Alley, to the west of <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/383/detail/#tewkesbury-buildings\">Tewkesbury Church Alley</a>, on the site of the <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/383/detail/\">warehouse</a> built by Mead and Powell behind Nos 101 and 102 in the 1840s; and Bolt and Tun Alley, later site of No. 103, to the west of Bell Alley. Nos 104-05, a single large building from 1786 to 1909, covered a site originally of three smaller houses, a silk-twisting ground and other smaller properties on the east side of Catherine Wheel Alley.</p>\n\n<p>The site of the bell foundry was on the eastern part of the block of land, somewhere on the hinterland of the later 101 and 102 High Street. Connected with this was the purchase in 1627 by Thomas Bartlett, bellfounder, from William Hewson, Citizen and Skinner, for £240 of the freehold of two houses on the High Street, by then divided into four tenements, the price reflecting the size of the sites which stretched north roughly 130ft to Sugar Loaf Alley, later Commercial Place.[^2].</p>\n\n<p>Richard Hewson, William Hewson’s father, had acquired them in 1564 from Lawrence Bradshaw (d. 1581), citizen and carpenter, who had been Surveyor of the Royal Works from 1547 to 1560.[^3] Possibly Bradshaw had been the builder/designer of the High Street houses, as he was also apparently building houses, half a mile away, in (Great) Tower Street near the Tower, in the 1560s, when, as Mark Girouard has argued, he may have been designing Cecil House in the Strand for Sir Robert Cecil.[^4] The retrospectively bathetic implausibility of Bradshaw building in Whitechapel High Street is perhaps deceptive: as Surveyor of the Royal Works his income fluctuated enormously, with a retainer of only 2s a day. Such property speculation may have been a financial imperative.[^5] The occupants of Richard Hewson’s two houses in 1564 were Henry Beard, apparently another sometime servant of the Court, described in 1627 as ‘yeoman trumpeter of the late Queen Elizabeth’, and Lawrence Clark, barber-surgeon, probably the Lawrence Clark, who gave evidence in 1539 against John <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/296/detail/#the-church-of-st-mary-matfelon\">Harrydance</a>, a Whitechapel bricklayer, called to account by the authorities for preaching across his garden fence while Clark was attempting to enjoy a quiet game of bowls, and also from his window on ‘the King’s Highway’ (ie, the High Street), for several hours at a time late at night.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>Richard Hewson died in 1587, leaving the rental of a house in St Mary (at) Hill, to his wife, and his own house, also in St Dunstan in the East, along with, in Whitechapel, four ‘new-built’ houses ‘at the Horseshoe’ (ie, off Petticoat Lane), to his son William, then a minor, and four other houses in Whitechapel to his four daughters.[^7] As the four daughters were parties to William Hewson’s sale of the two houses to Thomas Bartlett in 1627, it may be inferred, these two houses were among the four not ‘at the Horseshoe’. By the time of that sale the two were divided into four tenements, and by indentures of 1609 and 1620 one each leased to Edward Franckton, citizen and grocer, and Christopher Hewett, citizen and glazier, who were perhaps responsible for the subdivision of each house, as they had both previously occupied a part each; one of the others was Henry Sacheverell, possibly the Whitechapel vintner indicted in 1613 for refusing to work on or pay for the King’s Highway.[^8]. In 1627 Hewett and Franckton surrendered their underleases to Bartlett, the then-occupants of the four tenements being John Potterton, gentlemant, Peter Wheeler, a silk weaver, and Robert Gray, a farrier. It appears from later transactions that the property Bartlett acquired had been assembled by the Hewsons and was located on either side of the Bolt and Tun/Pomegranate site, that is on the sites of both 101 and 102 High Street, and 104 and parts of 105.</p>\n\n<p>Thomas Bartlett died in 1631, four years after he acquired the houses from William Hewson, leaving the houses in trust for his wife Ellen, so long as she remained a widow, and thence to his daughter Mary Cape, and son Anthony, also a bellfounder.[^9]</p>\n\n<p>In 1631 Bartlett left his house ‘by the sign of the three bells’, plus the ‘back buildings thereto belonging’ (including, presumably, the foundry) to his son Anthony, also a bellfounder.[^10] He also left three other houses to his wife Ellen, so long as she remained a widow, so when she remarried in 1632, these passed to Anthony Bartlett, and his sister, Mary Cape. One of these was the single house between the site of the foundry, ie, Bell Alley, and Bolt and Tun Alley, which was later numbered No. 102, probably that then occupied by Edward Symes (d. 1632), probably the man of that name fined in 1618 for ‘tippling without licence’.[^11] The other two, one behind the other separated by a small yard were ‘one away from Catherine Wheel Alley’, ie, site of No. 104, to the west of Bolt and Tun Alley.</p>\n\n<p>Anthony Bartlett, while he retained the foundry, sold or leased some of the property accumulated by his father on the High Street. In 1659 he was involved in a Chancery case with Anthony Cass, bricklayer and tiler of St Botolph Aldgate (cousin of Thomas Cass, the father of the celebrated Sir John Cass), involving the small house fronting the High Street between Bell and Bolt and Tun Alleys, whose freehold Cass’s son sold on in 1678. Occupied in 1659 by a cordwainer, John Bourne, it sat on a plot less than 42ft deep (presumably as Bartlett had retained the rest of the site for his foundry), with a 10ft frontage to the street, its rear 12ft ‘below the stairs’ and 14ft above the stairs, suggesting typical sixteenth-century timber-jettied construction. It included a cellar below a shop, with two chambers above and a kitchen behind with another little chamber. The house passed through many owners, the timber-framed house rebuilt c. 1702 presumably in brick.</p>\n\n<p>Bartlett’s other property, on the site of 104 High Street, included two houses small houses, 10ft wide, one behind the other, on a site that included the large stretch of open ground behind evident on the Ogilby and Morgan map. By 1638 (and probably earlier, under the Hewsons, when one of the tenants, was a weaver, Peter Wheeler), the year he sold it to James Best, a silk throwster, this was ‘used for a twisting place’, that is for preparing thread for weaving, part of the throwing process.</p>\n\n<p>The front house was then occupied by Richard Choppin, a strongwater man, or seller of spirits, the rear by Peter Houghtropp or Hewtrop, a weaver. By 1680 part of the twisting ground had been built over with a small house by John Kidvill, a relative of Bartlett, and the High Street property was occupied by Theodosius Lanphere (sometimes Lamphere), tin-plate worker.</p>\n\n<p>The final property on the site developed by Venables in the 19th century, lay between the Bartlett’s two holdings, on the site of the later 103 High Street. Bolt and Tun Alley is known by 1616 when it was described as ‘lately purchased’ by the testator Daniel Swarts, or Swartes, of St Andrew Holborn, possibly the non-juring cordwainer of that name recorded in 1578.[^12] The property consisted in 1616 of two conjoined houses on the High Street known by the signs of the Pomegranate and the Bolt and Tun, possibly inns but by the later 17th century apparently in other use, and eighteen small houses in an alley running north between them.[^13].</p>\n\n<p>Swarts described the property then as ‘lately purchased’ of one Philipp Demaryne, perhaps the Phillip Demarine buried at St Mary Matfelon in 1609.[^14] By 1680 the eighteen houses had been ‘reduced to fewer’, which fits with the 1666 Hearth Tax which recorded thirteen houses of between none and three hearths, with seven houses empty, and the 1674-5 Hearth Tax which records nine houses (two empty) of one to three hearths, and Ogilby & Morgan’s map of 1676 which shows an alley with, at its south end, four houses on the west side, then a slight dogleg as the four next houses are to the east and at the north end a slightly larger house. Fronting the High Street, either side of Bolt and Tun Alley, were the Pomegranate and the Bolt and Tun. The whole site passed by inheritance through the family of John Wilkinson, of Lenham, Kent, till the 1690s.</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), Uncatalogued deeds, TH/8770</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: THLHLA, TH/8770</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: <em>History of the King’s Works</em>, vol 4, London 1963</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Jill Husselby and Paula Henderson, ‘Location! Location! Location!', <em>Architectural History</em>, 45 (2002), pp. 159-93 (pp. 168, 170, 190): 'Inquisitions: 1586', in <em>Abstracts of Inquisitiones Post Mortem For the City of London: Part 3</em>, ed. E. A. Fry, London 1908, pp. 84-99 (p. 92)</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: Wyatt Papworth, ‘On the Superintendents of English Buildings in the Middle Ages; with Special Reference to William of Wykeham’, <em>Papers Read at the Royal Institute of British Architects, Session 1859-60</em>, London 1860, pp.38-51 (p. 40)</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: G.R. Elton, <em>Policy and Police: The Enforcement of the Reformation in the Age of Thomas Cromwell</em>, Cambridge 1985, pp. 162-4: James Gairdner and R.H. Brodie, eds, <em>Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII</em>, XIV/ii, London 1895, pp. 12-13</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: The National Archives (TNA), PROB 11/71/112</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: 'Sessions, 1613: 28 and 30 June', in <em>County of Middlesex. Calendar To the Sessions Records: New Series</em>, <em>Volume 1, 1612-14</em>, ed. William Le Hardy, London 1935, pp. 117-154</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: Ancestry</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), DL/C/B/008/MS09172/040, no 203</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: 'Sessions, 1617: 13 and 16 January', in <em>County of Middlesex. Calendar To the Sessions Records: New Series, Volume 4, 1616-18</em>, ed. William Le Hardy, London 1941, pp. 85-96</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: <em>The Publications of the Huguenot Society of London</em>, X/ii: <em>Returns of Aliens Dwelling in the City and Suburbs of London from the Reign of Henry VIII to that of James I</em>, ed. R.E.G. Kirk and Ernest F. Kirk, London 1902, p. 214</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: TNA, PROB 11/129/420</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: Ancestry: LMA, P93/MRY1/001</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
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"body": "<p>My maternal grandmother's maiden name was Edith Feldman. She lived opposite Finsbury Park, in the house her family had moved to from Feldman's Yiddish Post Office on the corner of Whitechapel Rd and Osborn St. The building there now is a fast-food joint. The Feldman family came originally from Pinsk before they settled in Whitechapel. They became quite wealthy because many early immigrants working in the East End rag trade used the post office to send remittances home to family in Eastern Europe. That's probably why they were able to get good educations - my great-uncle Israel Feldman was one of the first of the Eastern European Jews to qualify as a doctor, and there was a Dayan in the generation previous to him.</p>\n",
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"title": "'Laying the Foundation Stone of the New Wing of the London Hospital', Medical News, 9 July 1864",
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"body": "<p>Excerpt from <em>Medical News</em>, 9 July 1864: </p>\n\n<p>The ceremony of laying the first stone of the new west wing of this Hospital was performed on Monday last by the Prince of Wales. Whitechapel wore a holiday appearance on the occasion, crowds of people welcomed their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess, and the thoroughfares were decked with bunting of all colours. Their Royal Highnesses were received at the principal entrance of the Hospital by His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, the President, the Vice-Presidents, and the members of the Committee of the Hospital, who conducted them to the place where the stone was to be laid. When the Prince and Princess had reached the marquee under which the stone was suspended, and had taken their places facing it, His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge read an address detailing the operations of the charity, which, since its establishment, has aided 1,300,000 persons, and which is now greatly at a loss for additional room. His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales said that it gave him great pleasure, to join in such a work, and to assist his illustrious relative, who was ever foremost in works of charity, in commencing what, it was to be hoped, would be even a more successful career for that admirable Institution, the London Hospital.</p>\n\n<p>When the succeeding applause had subsided, the Bishop of London offered up a prayer for the success of the work, and then a choir, formed of the gentlemen and boys of the Chapels Royal and of Westminster Abbey and St. Paul's, under the lead of Mr. Francis chanted a selection from the Prayer-book version of the 107th Psalm; after which the Prince, taking a silver trowel from Mr. C. Barry, the architect of the new wing, proceeded to lay the mortar. A bottle containing current coins of the realm, and a copy of the last annual report of the Hospital, was deposited in a cavity in the lower stone; and then the stone was lowered to its bed, the Prince giving it, after the architect had tried and found it true, three taps with a mallet made of a thorn tree as old as the Hospital, which grew upon the very spot where the stone now stands. Great delight was manifested by the spectators when the Princess, stepping forward, received the mallet and repeated the taps, giving at the same time one of those happy smiles which so well become her genial face — never, we are glad to say, looking better. The Old Hundredth Psalm was then sung in unison. The bishop gave the benediction, and then, conducted as before by the president and the committee, their Royal Highnesses re-entered the Hospital, and the Prince paid a visit to the principal wards.</p>\n\n<p>The following are some particulars concerning the new building:</p>\n\n<p>The proposed new west wing will be 140 feet long by sixty feet wide, and will contain in the basement story a large waiting hall for out-patients, Surgeons’ and Physicians’ rooms, laboratory, dispensing, and other offices. The ground and one and two pair floors will contain large wards for men, women, and children, together with separate wards for Jews, and suitable offices adjoining thereto. On each of the several floors will be the requisite rooms for nurses and other attendants. The dormitories will be fitted up exclusively for the sleeping apartments of the nurses and domestics connected with the institution, and it is expected that there will be accommodation for 200 additional patients, exclusive of the requisite offices for the attendants. The contract has been taken by Messrs. Hill and Keddell, contractors, of Whitechapel Road, for the sum of £23,000 under the superintendence of Charles Barry, Esq., the architect. At five minutes past two their Royal Highnesses, conducted by the Duke of Cambridge, entered a very large marquee, in which a dejeuner was laid for 1000 persons, and taking their places at the high table from which the others radiated — the Princess on the Duke’s right, the Prince on his left, and the Bishop of London next to the Princess — were welcomed by the company just as heartily as they had been greeted by the throngs of East End charity children, who, with their banners, were drawn up in the pretty gardens through which the Royal guests passed to reach the marquee. When justice had been done to the luncheon, the Duke of Cambridge, in a few words, proposed the toast of the Queen, which was duly honoured, and was followed by that of the Prince and Princess, given also by the Commander-in-Chief.</p>\n\n<p>The Prince said: ‘After the kind and flattering manner in which my illustrious relative has proposed the health of the Princess and myself it would ill become me if I did not warmly return thanks for the honour you have done me. To encourage the great national institutions, in which myself and the Princess naturally take a deep interest, will ever give great pleasure to us. I have walked through the wards of the Hospital today, and I can bear testimony to the great general efficiency of the charity. I hope the new wing, which will be called after the Princess — the Alexandra wing (cheers) — will do much to relieve the necessities of the district. I wish that the wing may never be full. (Great cheering) I beg to propose to you “Prosperity to the London Hospital”.’</p>\n\n<p>The toast having been drunk with enthusiasm, Mr. T. Fowell Buxton, chairman of the house committee, then announced the subscriptions towards the special object. Among the sums given these were some of the principal ones: J. Barclay, Esq., £1000 per annum for three years, £3000; Sir T. P. Buxton, Bart., £500; T. Fowell Buxton, Esq., chairman of the house committee, £3000; Charrington and Co., £500 per annum for two years, £1000; Octavius E. Coope, Esq., £500 per annum for two years, £1000; John Davis, Esq., V.P., £315; East and West India Dock Company, £500; Hoare and Co., £300; John Hodgson, Esq., £500; Ind, Coope, and Co., £500; Hon. Rustomjee Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy, per R. W. Crawford Esq., M.P., steward, £2000; Andrew Johnston, Esq., £100 per annum for three years, £300; Mann, Crossman, and Paulin, £600 ; Lady Morrison, Three per Cent. Consols, £1000; Henry W. Peek, Esq., £315; Truman, Hanbury, Buxton, and Co., £1000. The total amounted to the enormous sum of £30,621.</p>\n\n<p>The present Hospital professes to afford accommodation for 320 patients only, but from the numerous accidents and the number of severe cases occurring amongst the dense population in the neighbourhood, that number has often been exceeded. The Jews' ward, with the separate kitchen attached is a special feature of interest in the charity.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: <em>Medical News</em>, 9 July 1864, p. 61 (online: http://www.archive.org/stream/medicaltimesand16unkngoog/medicaltimesand16unkngoog_djvu.txt)</p>\n",
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"body": "<p>There appears to have been no enclosure of the outer perimeter of Wellclose Square’s garden before about 1720 when a dwarf wall with wooden palisades was put up at the expense of inhabitants, to prevent the square being ‘frequented by idle and disorderly persons’.[^1] By 1773 the square was ‘surrounded by a handsome wall adorned at equal distances with iron rails.’[^2] This does not seem quite to describe the chunky walling that existed in 1845. Perhaps another reconstruction had occurred, though ‘handsome’ is of course subjective. Engraved views indicate that the present continuous cast-iron railings were part of the school-building project of 1869–70. They saw considerable reconstructive repair in 1950 after war damage.[^3]</p>\n\n<p>By the 1790s the Phoenix Fire Insurance Company, for which the square had been developed in the first place, had put up a fire-engine house at the middle of the north side of the square’s enclosed garden.[^4] There was a cottage or garden lodge in the corresponding position on the south side of the square by the 1840s, owned by the parish and sometimes used to house the assistant clergy of St Paul, Dock Street. It stood until the 1950s and its rents helped to support the school. The freehold of the square itself pertained to St Paul, Dock Street, by 1920.[^5] </p>\n\n<p>Within a year of the opening of St Paul’s Schools in 1870 it was recognised that attendance was adversely affected by the need for older children to stay at home to look after younger siblings in families where wages were precarious, both parents having to work to get by. Further, infant mortality was disgracefully high. Adaptation of the now redundant fire-engine house on the square’s north side for a nursery was considered before early 1872 when the Rev. Dan Greatorex led the way with plans to redevelop the site to build a new infants’ nursery, or crèche, for sixty to eighty ‘babies’. To this would be attached a kitchen (with provision for use as a soup kitchen for the poor or in times of distress), a mission room, a room for ‘mothers’ meetings’ where women would be taught to make clothing, a storeroom for second-hand clothing, and accommodation for a nurse and mission woman. Among Greatorex’s new collaborators were Thomas Morrison Fairclough, General Lord William FitzGerald De Ros (1797–1874), who had been Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard and otherwise held rank at the Tower of London, and Lt. Col. Francis William Newdigate, whose wife, Louisa Georgina Newdigate, took a lead in the raising of funds through concerts in the West End and at the Mansion House.[^6] </p>\n\n<p>The elderly General De Ros involved himself closely with building design, declaring, ‘I am very suspicious of architects and Portico builders who are apt to waste the funds on what they consider ornaments.’[^7] He invoked experience acting as his own architect in Ireland, and prepared sketch plans for a single-storey cottage orné, also proposing to involve his ‘<u>very clever</u>’ Clerk of Works, R. M. Leish, who did look things over. De Ros again deprecated architects, ‘they are generally so anxious to build for shew, and their own credit for taste, that I own I have not much faith in them, where ability and economy are the chief objects’.[^8]</p>\n\n<p>In the event, it was again Greatorex’s brothers, Reuben and Simeon, who were brought in as architects, this time with Henry Botting as the contractor, working with G. E. Weston. Louisa Newdigate laid the foundation stone on 10 February 1874 and the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh ceremonially opened the building on 23 June 1874. De Ros’s parti had been taken on board, wrenched into harmonising with the simple Gothic of the schools, while introducing strong asymmetry and latticed casement windows. The nursery, entered from the school’s grounds, was above the mission room and store, entered from the street. There was a double attic, with both half and full dormers facing south. As on the school, dedicatory stones are lettered in relief.[^9] </p>\n\n<p>By May 1875 there were 51 babies on the books, rising to 78 by 1885, daily attendances ranging from 17 to 25. From 1880 the building also accommodated the Wilfred Cottage Hospital, with five beds for children in three attic rooms.[^10] </p>\n\n<p>In 1932 an LCC school inspector reported: ‘Although the neighbourhood is very poor the school site is unusually beautiful. Surrounding the school there is a large garden full of fine old trees which give pleasant shade to the building and create an effect of a country setting remarkable to find in the East End.’[^11] Humphrey Jennings echoed this appreciative tone in the early 1940s when, while filming <em>Fires Were Started</em>, he noted the ‘charming’ school, in use as a fire-station, and the square ‘which for all the world looks like Vermeer’s view of Delft.’[^12] Two huge plane trees still stand on the square’s west side.</p>\n\n<p>The Rev. Joseph Williamson arrived at St Paul, Dock Street in 1952, an energetic reformer and an aggressive publicist. But ‘Father Joe’s’ first project for the nursery building was banal. In 1953 part of the ground floor was converted for Angus Stuart Ltd, a firm based on the north side of the square, for packing sweets and canteen use; Williamson was obliged to obtain permission for this change of use retrospectively. The day nursery continued above until 1956 when it was incorporated into the main school.[^13] </p>\n\n<p>In 1958 Williamson oversaw first-floor alterations to permit the former nursery and mission hall to open as Church House, a refuge ’for the reclamation of prostitutes and girls in moral danger’,[^14] with accommodation for two female live-in staff. Building work was by R. W. Bowman Ltd and Church House was run through the Wellclose Square Fund Ltd. The first staff, Nora Neal and Daphne Jones, set out to find the girls in cafés. By 1962, 180 girls had been taken in, of whom thirty-four had been returned to their homes, and fourteen found employment. Difficulties were reported in 1970, some of the girls being unwilling to work, some even to be polite.[^15] </p>\n\n<p>Church House closed around 1981, and uses of the listed building since have been varied and short-lived. Permissions for conversions for office and community use below flats have been allowed to lapse. The building was boarded up around 2010 and is empty at the time of writing in 2018.[^16]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Ernst Fridrick Wolff, <em>Samlinger til Historien af den Danske of Norske Evangeliske Lutherske Kirke i London dens Opkomst Fremgang og Tilstand</em>, 1802, pp.375–6</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: John Noorthouck, <em>A New History of London including Westminster and Southwark</em>, Book 5, 1773, p.760</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), L/THL/D/1/138: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), P93/PAU2/137; Collage 35119</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: THLHLA, P/HLC/1/14/16: LMA, P93/PAU2/123,129/1: Richard Horwood's map of London, 1799: Ordnance Survey map 1873</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: THLHLA, L/LBW/B/2/73: LMA, P93/PAU2/123,129/1,246: Collage 121633: London County Council Minutes, 14 Feb. 1905, p. 463</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: LMA, P93/PAU2/129/1; P93/PAU2/159–67</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: LMA, P93/PAU2/168/1</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: LMA, P93/PAU2/168/3</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: LMA, P93/PAU2/166,168–9, 171–80,199–200: <em>The Builder</em>, 11 Oct. 1873, p. 816: <em>Illustrated London News, </em>4 July 1874, p. 17</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: LMA, P93/PAU2/150: The National Archives, ED21/12137</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: LMA, P93/PAU2/149</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: As quoted by Michael McCluskey, ‘Humphrey Jennings in the East End: <em>Fires Were Started</em> and Local Geographies’, <em>London Journal</em>, Vol. 41/2, 2016, pp. 170–89 (p.173)</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: THLHLA, L/THL/D/1/138</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: LMA, P93/PAU2/243</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: LMA, P93/PAU2/257; THLHLA, P/RAM/2/2/10; P/RAM/2/3/14; P/WLM/4/2; P/WLM/5/5</p>\n\n<p>[^16]: LMA, P93/PAU2/257: THLHLA, Building Control file 25297: Tower Hamlets planning applications online</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
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"b_number": "139",
"b_name": "",
"street": "Leman Street",
"address": "The Brown Bear, 139 Leman Street",
"feature_type": "WHITECHAPEL_BUILDING",
"count": 6,
"search_str": "The Brown Bear, 139 Leman Street"
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"body": "<p>This establishment moved from Hooper’s Square where it had been by the 1740s when there was an associated brewhouse, later swallowed up by the Rohde sugar refinery. It may have presented dramatic performances. The pub was on this Leman Street site by the 1780s with John Carter as its proprietor, holding a lease from Samuel Hawkins. Samuel and Joseph Tickell, the Castle Street brewers, gained possession and Joseph was given a new lease in 1836 by Benjamin Cotton, promising enlargement and improvement. Rebuilding ensued in 1838 and William Pile was the first proprietor. The pub’s four-bay stock-brick façade has a giant order of stucco pilasters, not extended over Mill Yard Passage. The ground-floor fascia retains its own pilasters with floreate capitals, and there are brick jack arches on iron joists over the passage.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>Around 1845 Pile was succeeded by William Brand who renewed the establishment’s music and dancing license. The pub was extended to the rear in 1850 for John A. Furze of St George’s Brewery for what may have been a concert room below a club room. Joseph Kirk of Norton Folgate was the builder. In 1859 Brand was succeeded by Henry Dittmar, followed by other proprietors of German origin up to 1911 under Furze & Co. and then Taylor Walker & Co.[^2] The ground-floor interior was thoroughly refitted in 1927 to plans by William Bradford & Sons, the builders being William Shurmur & Sons Ltd of Clapton. It was altered in 1963–4 for Ind Coope to open up what had become the dining room and club room to the rear to be part of the public bar. There was another internal remodelling in 1990 for Taylor Walker.[^3] </p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), P/PAG/1/4/4; P/GLC/1/6/3: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), Land Tax returns: THCS/464; MR/LV/6/79: John Rocque's map, 1746: <em>Daily Advertiser</em>, 18 March 1745, p. 2: Old Bailey Online, t18010113-26: Post Office Directories (POD): information kindly supplied by John Earl</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: LMA, District Surveyors Returns: POD: <em>The Era</em>, 17 Oct. 1847; 22 May 1859 </p>\n\n<p>[^3]: THLHLA, Building Control files 22430–1</p>\n",
"created": "2019-05-10",
"last_edited": "2019-05-10"
},
{
"id": 943,
"title": "Tyne Street (formerly New Castle Street)",
"author": {
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"username": "surveyoflondon"
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"properties": {
"b_number": "24",
"b_name": "Bradbury Court, 24 Old Castle Street",
"street": "Old Castle Street",
"address": "Bradbury Court, 24 Old Castle Street. London E1 7AH",
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"body": "<p>With the dishonourable exception of the entrance to ‘Houblon Apartments’, the 'poor door' to the 'affordable' housing in Relay House, Tyne Street has become merely a narrow service road for that building and London Metropolitan University's Calcutta House annexe to the west. It is the truncated remains of a street known until 1937 as Newcastle Street, created in the early 1730s as New Castle Street, to distinguish it from neighbouring Old Castle Street. It was an extension and expansion of Three Bowl Alley, a yard off Whitechapel High Street, its west side encroaching on what had been the south end of Castle Street.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>The formation of New Castle Street was complete by 1734 when William Newland, the developer and an attorney on Gracechurch Street in the City, leased forty small houses, stables, a brewhouse and a warehouse to Thomas Peckham, a musician.[^2] New Castle Place, a network of four narrow alleys begun at the north end of New Castle Street in the 1730s, was extended south, mainly in the first years of the nineteenth century by the bricklayer Thomas Barnes (d. 1818) and his business partner, John Cass (d. 1805), a Whitechapel High Street haberdasher. The properties were thenceforward managed as part of the Barnes estate.[^3]</p>\n\n<p>From its opening in 1732 the Three Crowns public house was at New Castle Street’s north-west corner with entrances there and in a projection onto Old Castle Street, opposite the King’s Arms Brewery. Until the 1760s it was run without a licence by John Dumbleton (d. 1766).[^4] In 1755 Robert Hawkes successfully applied to be discharged from an apprenticeship with Dumbleton:</p>\n\n<p>‘For the whole eleven years … instead of being learnt his trade of a pump maker he hath been almost constantly employed in drawing of beer, both Sundays and working days and has never been suffered to go to Church once … And the petitioner hath undergone violent severities and usages … during the whole term ... by being beat with sticks and whips and by flinging petitioner in a horse pond on a cold frosty morning without the least provocation. And on the 14th day of March last the petitioner’s master knockt him down with a hand saw and beat and bruised the petitioner so violently that he was not able to see out of his eyes for some days.’[^5]</p>\n\n<p>The Three Crowns remained in business till the 1920s, when it reverted to residential use. It was demolished around 1966.[^6] </p>\n\n<p>The Green Man public house, an inn of similar character on the west side of New Castle Street was also part of Newland’s original development. In its early days it was a kind of annexe to adjoining stables, landlords Francis Milson and Henry Davis (d. 1748) using it as a base for the sale of donkeys for milk, and for hiring horses to collect hay and straw from Essex.[^7] In the 1840s the Green Man’s landlord, John Clarke, ran the United Helpmates Birmingham Benefit Society and Coal Club and subscription clubs for cheap life insurance and coal. He also hosted dog fights and boxing. A low-life, low-rent character endured into the 1870s when the Green Man was raided as an illegal gambling den; only pennies were recovered.[^8]</p>\n\n<p>By 1884 a synagogue known as the Bikkur Cholim Sons of Lodz Chevra had been formed at the former Green Man. It was described in unfavourable terms in 1888: ‘there is a synagogue on the first floor, which is approached by a disgraceful staircase, and … there is no provision to enable women to worship. On the ground floor of this house is an eating house where there is reason to fear gambling is not unfrequently practised, while the upper floors are occupied by many poor families crowded together’.[^9] The landlord of the eating house had been and would again be prosecuted for unlicensed gaming. The congregation appears to have moved to New Goulston Street in 1896. The building was subsequently divided into tenements and then cleared by 1931 for the building of the Brooke Bond staff-welfare centre, now LMU's Calcutta House annexe.[^10]</p>\n\n<p>There had been some rebuilding on the estate in the nineteenth century, as on New Castle Place, where houses replaced stabling at the south end in 1853–4, and four somewhat deeper houses were inserted in 1897–8. But by 1914 the estate’s houses were invariably described as ‘old and dilapidated’.[^11] </p>\n\n<p>The whole Barnes estate, mainly in Stepney, passed to Thomas Barnes’s granddaughter, Ann Pemberton-Barnes (d. 1912), and was run as a limited company from 1924. There were some bomb-damage losses on the east sides of what had become Tyne Street and Tyne Place. The rest of this enclave was sold to the London County Council in 1966 for the building of the New Holland estate, and the houses had been cleared by 1970.[^12] </p>\n\n<p>[^1]: John Rocque's map of London, 1746: Richard Horwood's maps of London, 1799 and 1813: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), Land Tax Returns (LT); SC/PM/ST/01/002</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: West Sussex Record Office, HARRIS/266: LMA, MDR/1734/5/215; E/PHI/036; LT </p>\n\n<p>[^3]: The National Archives (TNA), PROB11/1610/11; PROB11/1892/12; PROB11/2102/157: LMA, CLC/B/192/F/001/MS11936/557/1234801: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), B/PBE/6/7; B/PBE/6/14: LT: Ancestry</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: <a href=\"https://www.londonlives.org/\">https://www.londonlives.org/</a>: Post Office Directories (POD): Ancestry: TNA, PROB11/921/112</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: M. Dorothy George, <em>London Life in the Eighteenth Century</em>, 1925, p.422</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 2 Nov 1819, p.1: <em>Bell’s New Weekly Messenger</em>, 7 June 1846, p.7: <em>Clerkenwell News</em>, 10 April 1871, p.7: POD: TNA, IR58/84818/3519</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: THLHLA, B/PBE/6/7: LT: <em>Daily Advertiser</em>, 4 Nov 1743: <em>Derby Mercury</em>, 9 Jan 1746, p.2: Ancestry</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: <em>Bell’s Life in London</em>, 12 Sept 1841, p.4; 16 Jan 1842, p.4; 3 Dec 1843, p.4; 4 Sept 1853, p.6: <em>The Examiner</em>, 13 Aug 1842, p.523: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 24 June 1844, p.1: <em>The Era</em>, 28 Oct 1849, p.6: <em>Luton Reporter</em>, 12 July 1879, p.6</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: <em>Jewish Chronicle (JC)</em>, 19 Oct 1888, p.7; 31 Oct 1884, p.6: THLHLA, B/PBE/6/7</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: <em>Luton Reporter</em>, 12 July 1879, p.6: <em>Illustrated Police News</em>, 22 April 1899, p.10: <em>JC</em>, 4 May 1894, p.18: TNA, IR58/84818/3532-37</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: LMA, District Surveyors Returns: THLHLA, B/PPE/8/3–5; Building Control file 12413: TNA, IR58/84817 passim</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: Ancestry: eds W. P. W. Phillimore and E. A. Fry, <em>An Index to Changes of Name Under Authority of Act of Parliament or Royal Licence… 1760–1901</em>, 1905, p.251: E. Walford, <em>The County Families of the United Kingdom</em>, 1875, p.769: THLHLA, B/PBE; Building Control file 12413: beta.companieshouse.gov.uk/company/00198580</p>\n",
"created": "2019-08-02",
"last_edited": "2019-08-06"
}
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}