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            "title": "The Ladies Swimming Bath and Recreation Hall, c.1893 to 1938",
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                    "b_name": "The Wash Houses, London Metropolitan University, former Whitechapel Baths",
                    "street": "Old Castle Street",
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            "body": "<p> </p>\n\n<p>For several years women and schoolgirls were only given access to the swimming baths on Wednesdays, so that they might ‘acquire the art of swimming’. However the increasing demand for a ladies swimming bath prompted a new scheme to be commissioned. Architect Bruce J. Capell of 70 Whitechapel Road was appointed to this end in 1893 and £13, 000 was borrowed to fund the building work. Robert Booth acted as engineer and William Goodman was the building contractor. [^11]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p>The ladies swimming bath was officially opened in spring 1897 although a plaque claimed July 1st 1896. Neither date represented a full opening however, for work was completed only in January 1902. A new floor to cover the first-class swimming baths was finished in 1904 allowing for the Baths to be granted an entertainment license for music and dancing. In 1910 a cinematography box was inserted at the gallery level of the second-class baths allowing for projections into the first-class swimming baths. The floored over hall could seat 1,000 people according to a schedule of 1921. [^12] Up until the outbreak of the Second World War, this hall was well used by different community groups and businesses, accommodating plays, concerts, film nights, bazaars, lads brigades, boxing, political rallies and the Jewish Sabbath meetings of the Zionist Society. [^13]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p>Capell’s design further extended the Goulston Street entrance frontage, this time to run almost in line with the new swimming baths before receding back on a sharp diagonal to meet the existing party wall to the south. The ladies swimming bath was created within the area formerly occupied by the men’s second-class slipper baths and was lit by two large skylights. The female first- and second-class slipper baths remained largely in place on the ground floor. The men’s slipper baths were instead moved to a new first-floor area situated above the new entrance. The additional floor also allowed for more generous living quarters for the superintendent, whose sitting room was endowed with a projecting bay window in red brick. The first-class baths and the new ladies’ baths were lined with polished marble; the floors and dressing compartments in an artificial ‘Victoria’ stone. [^14]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p>One local speaking of his experiences in the 1920s noted that, ‘the baths were like a community centre for Jews, especially elderly Jews’ in their preparation for the Sabbath. Local schoolchildren, Jewish and non-Jewish, were also long-standing beneficiaries of the Baths, often receiving free use of the pools, entering on markedly reduced ticket rates as well as enjoying frequent swimming galas. The swimming baths were also used by the city’s plentiful swimming clubs for adults. In September 1890 for example the first-class pool hosted the galas of the Jewish Working Men’s, City Police, Falcon Club and African Swimming Clubs. [^15]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p>A drawing of 1938 by the Borough Engineer and Surveyor shows the washing places within the wash house removed, replaced by additional women’s slipper baths after resisting any material alteration for almost a century. Next to these, a new ‘establishment laundry’ is depicted, purposed to wash and dry the hired towels and drawers. All entrances to Old Castle Street are closed off. Evidence of the implementation for this plan is lacking; it was probably interrupted by the outbreak of the Second World War. However the existence of such a proposal indicates the declining usefulness of the old ‘wash house’.</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: THLHLA, L/SMW/D1/1, p.154-5, p.373; LCC Mins, 27 June 1893, p.669; 26 Jan 1897; 12 Oct 1897, p.1121; 9 Nov 1897, p.1185</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: THLHLA, L/SMW/D1/2, p.134; LMA, GLC/AR/BR/07/0377, 28 Jan 1902; 25 Nov 1904; 1 Dec 1910; 4 Jan 1911; 26 May 1911; 16 May 1911; 19 Dec 1911; Schedule of 1921; THLHLA, L/SMW/D1/2, p.229</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: For example, see applications: THLHLA, L/SMW/D1/2, p.183, p.233, p.235; LMA, GLC/AR/BR/07/0377, 15 July 1940; THLHLA, L/SMW/D1/2, p.242</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: THLHLA, L/SMW/D1/1, p.353</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: <em>Jewish Chronicle</em>, 3 Aug 1990; LMA, GLC/AR/BR/07/0377, 12 April 1938; THLHLA, L/SMW/D1/1, p.116</p>\n",
            "created": "2016-07-27",
            "last_edited": "2019-08-02"
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            "id": 610,
            "title": "Air Raid Shelter during the First World War",
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            "body": "<p>My grandmother lived in the Star and Garter pub across the road from the Royal London Hospital during the First World War. During air raids they would run to the basement of the London Hospital for shelter.</p>\n",
            "created": "2018-04-18",
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            "title": "The Reminiscences of Doctor John Sebastian Helmcken (1824-1920)",
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                    "b_name": "St George's German and English School",
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            "body": "<p>Of German ancestry, John Helmcken's father and mother ran the White Swan Pub on Alie Street in the early-mid nineteenth century. Helmcken grew up there, attended St George's German and English School from the age of four, and latterly recorded his memories, which were edited and published by Dorothy Blackey-Smith in 1975 under the title '<em>The reminiscences of Doctor John Sebastian Helmcken</em>'. Below is an extract relating to the church and school:</p>\n\n<p>\"In Little Alie Street stood St George's German Church and School - the former old fashioned, with galleries on each side and above in the corners; a complete church with the Revd. Dr. Schwabe as Minister. The school was an ordinary schoolroom, with a stove in the centre and plenty light. A graveyard existed immediately at the back of the school and hardly separated from it, save by a diminutive fence. Sunflowers and others grew in it and somehow or other the boys considered it sacred and seldom played there at all. The bricks of the school were furrowed, by the boys sharpening their slate pencils there. The church was heated by a furnace fed from the outside; hot air passing into the church...</p>\n\n<p>I suppose I was like other little boys full of mischief, and so sent to a girls' school kept by an old Miss Somebody...However I was soon turned out of or taken away from the girls' school and sent to St George's German and English School, Vorweg the Master being a friend of my mother. So having dressed - made decent and my hair brushed, I set to crying, but this did not hinder my going. Father took me there and left me to cry in the schoolroom all day. After a short time I got used to the discipline and used to go off with alacrity at 9 o'clock in the morning and remain at school until 5 in the afternoon. As schools go now, this would be considered a very poor school indeed, as we were only drilled in English and German, Writing and Arithmetic and Geography. The school was partly supported by subscriptions, chiefly from the Germans - the cost to a scholar being I think about ten shillings per quarter plus books and so forth. There were about eighty boys of all sizes and grades...</p>\n\n<p>It was the prescribed duty of certain boys to wind up the church clock once a week - it had a winch. No boy ever went alone! As several went usually together, nice romps we had occasionally in the church, but for all this we felt uncanny in the place, particularly as in the vaults under the entrance to the church, lay buried, some of the enlightened pillars of the church and perhaps ministers etc. I never saw these vaults opened but once - someone had to be buried. A huge flagstone covering the vault had been removed, and descending into the dismal cavern, one saw tiers of leaden coffins, some encased with wood, others where it had rotted off. I did not stop there long - a lantern shed a dismal light - and the air felt cold and I shuddery.</p>\n\n<p>We all were expected to be in church twice every Sunday - and had benches fronting the altar and the Clerk, who was Vorweg our schoolmaster. Of course we could all sing and so were a sort of choir. During Lent the church was draped in black - pulpit, reading desk and all - and then we had to go to church twice in the week also. At Christmas it was bedecked with rosemary, holly and laurustinus. The services were all in German - the congregation Germans - chiefly from Hanover, at all events Low Germany and comprised among others many German merchants from the City and surroundings.\"</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
            "created": "2017-09-28",
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            "title": "Notes and photos",
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            "body": "<p>Found here: <a href=\"https://wheretheinternetlives.wordpress.com/2016/07/05/sungard-as/\">https://wheretheinternetlives.wordpress.com/2016/07/05/sungard-as/</a></p>\n",
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            "title": "The Waste: a history of Whitechapel Road's market",
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            "body": "<p><em>All day long and all the year round there is a constant Fair going on in Whitechapel Road. It is held upon the broad pavement, which was benevolently intended, no doubt, for this purpose. Here are displayed all kinds of things; bits of second-hand furniture, such as the head of a wooden bed, whose griminess is perhaps exaggerated, in order that a purchaser may expect something extraordinarily cheap. Here are lids of pots and saucepans laid out, to show that in the warehouse, of which these things are specimens, will be found the principal parts of the utensils for sale; here are unexpected things, such as rows of skates, sold cheap in summer, light clothing in winter; workmen’s tools of every kind, including, perhaps, the burglarious jemmy; second-hand books – a miscellaneous collection, establishing the fact that the readers of books in Whitechapel – a feeble and scanty folk – read nothing at all except sermons and meditations among the tombs; second-hand boots and shoes; cutlery; hats and caps; rat-traps and mouse-traps and birdcages; flowers and seeds; skittles; and frames for photographs. Cheap-jacks have their carts beside the pavement; and with strident voice proclaim the goodness of their wares, which include in this district bloaters and dried haddocks, as well as crockery. And one is amazed, seeing how the open-air Fair goes on, why the shops are kept open at all.</em>[^1]</p>\n\n<p>By the 1880s, when this was written, trading on Whitechapel Road’s open spaces was long established, if not exactly by benevolent intent. It was informal and undocumented, simply tolerated by the Manor of Stepney, which owned what was generally known as Mile End Waste (waste or common manorial land). That name applied to around 300 to 400 yards along an exceptionally wide road either side of Mile End Gate, a tollgate just east of Whitechapel’s parish boundary for a turnpike that had been established in the early eighteenth century. Covenants in seventeenth-century manorial leases of building plots on Mile End Green (which included the eastern part of Whitechapel Road) provided for the paving of footpaths in front of buildings and cleaning of the ditch beyond, along with the planting of elm trees at 10ft intervals between the footpaths and ditches. They did not preclude trade.</p>\n\n<p>In the 1850s there were stalls and costermongers’ barrows along the north side of Whitechapel Road from St Mary (Davenant) Street to Charrington’s Brewery in Mile End Old Town. Some sections of the waste were given over to the setting-out of furniture and, street junctions aside, paved cart roads separated the ground at several points. There was a urinal at Court Street and an omnibus stand in front of the Blind Beggar. The Grave Maurice and the London Hospital public houses had seats and tables out in front. The south side was far less busy, but furniture and ironmongery was displayed on parts of the waste east of the London Hospital.</p>\n\n<p>The status quo was destabilised after 1855 by the newly formed Whitechapel District Board of Works. It laid down gravel and placed iron posts across the waste at intervals and then in 1858 laid claim to control of the waste and its market, attempting to enforce the removal of a temporary structure in front of the site that is now Whitechapel Station. This usurpation of manorial rights was successfully resisted in 1860, 71 property holders, among whom Henry Wainwright was a leader, having petitioned the Lord of the Manor for protection, a strong indication of the extent to which shopkeepers displayed their own wares on the waste.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>Undeterred, the Board pushed ahead with plans to pave the waste. That work was carried out in 1863 through Henry R. Fricker, the Board’s Surveyor. Granite-cube paving was laid on several sections of the interstitial space between the road and the footways. Despite the Board’s regularising intentions, something truly like a fair did arise. Sheds of canvas screens as long as 50ft and 10ft high were erected on framing-rod uprights rammed between the paving cubes, with naphtha lamps on other rods to light stalls with ball pitches, coconut shies, quoits and a shooting gallery. The Manor tolerated this use for many years up to 1898 when there were prosecutions to enforce its cessation.</p>\n\n<p><img alt=\"\" src=\"/media/uploads/2018/04/17/trinity-hospital.jpg\"><em>Trinity Hospital, showing use of the Waste by costermongers in the 1890s (from C. R. Ashbee, 'The Trinity Hospital in Mile End: An Object Lesson in National History', 1896)</em></p>\n\n<p>In 1904 Stepney Council sought to take control of the market on the waste in both Whitechapel and Mile End to regulate nuisance traders. Terms were agreed with the Manor in 1909 and the Council acquired strips on both north and south sides from Vallance Road east into Mile End where gardens were laid out in 1909–10.</p>\n\n<p>Thus regulated, trading west of Mile End Gate came to be called Whitechapel Market, though it is still regularly referred to as ‘the Waste’. It was noted in the 1970s for clothing, jewellery, flowers, second-hand records and hi-fi equipment. By the 1980s, when there were 124 pitches between Vallance Road and Cambridge Heath Road, the market was being transformed by a transition to Bangladeshi stallholders. They remain predominant, and there is still much clothing, as well as a range of foods hard to come by elsewhere.[^3]</p>\n\n<p>The market’s street furniture was renewed as part of the High Street 2012 project. Alan Baxter &amp; Associates and East Architecture Landscape Urban Design oversaw standardisation of demountable market stalls, and the additions of perforated metal screens to face the road and catenary lighting along the pavement on a row of standards, as well as new bollards and seating.</p>\n\n<p>The grandest and finest piece of furniture on Whitechapel Market stands in front of No. 259. It is the King Edward VII Memorial Drinking Fountain, ‘erected from subscriptions raised by Jewish inhabitants of East London 1911’, as is related on a medallion on the tall monument’s north side. The idea for this fountain originated with the writer Annie Gertrude Landa (née Hannah Gittel Gordon, and also known by the pseudonym Aunt Naomi). Her husband, Myer Jack Landa, a journalist, had learned of the death of King Edward VII in 1910 through a crossed line with Home Secretary Winston Churchill, securing a scoop for the <em>Daily News</em>. It is also doubtless relevant that, concerned about open and aggressive anti-Semitism, he published <em>The Alien Problem and its Remedy</em> in 1911. The fountain was unveiled in March 1912 by the Hon. Charles Rothschild and presented to Stepney Borough Council. The bronze sculptural elements are by William Silver Frith. The structure comprises a Hopton Wood stone pylon on a plinth surmounted by a figure of the Angel of Peace. Semi-circular bowls face east and west below winged figures of Justice and Liberty flanked by cherubs sporting attributes of the King’s enthusiasms. A portrait medallion of the King on the south side was stolen in the 1980s. The fountain was renovated in the early 1990s with a grant from the Heritage of London Trust. The missing medallion was replaced, but to a different form, with a profile looking west rather than east as its predecessor had. Seraph spouts were reinstated.[^4]</p>\n\n<p>Whitechapel District Board of Works formed a Sanitary Committee in late 1892, one of the first duties of which was to improve the condition and provision of public conveniences, heretofore made of iron standards and plates, with the exception of a single underground facility on Leman Street. Attention turned directly to Whitechapel Road and a site on the corner east of Bakers Row (Vallance Road) was selected for new underground conveniences (in front of 197–199 Whitechapel Road). For males only, these were built with stairs down at either end in 1893, by Walter Gladding under the supervision of the Board’s surveyor; they were reconstructed for Stepney Borough Council in 1935. It was 1900 before equivalent female conveniences were built in front of 241 Whitechapel Road.[^5]</p>\n\n<p>Deemed redundant by 1991, the male toilets were sold in 1993 reconstructed in 1996–8 with a single-storey tile-clad, steel and breeze-block superstructure (199A Whitechapel Road) for a restaurant (Taja) above a beauty parlour. This was done for Harun Quadi and Ruhun Nahar Chowdhury, to designs by Clements &amp; Porter Architects (Ingerid Helsing Almaas, job architect) by the London Construction Company of Ilford. In 2006 the superstructure had to be removed after serious damage by a bus. Chowdhury commissioned plans for a replacement building from MacCormac Jamieson Prichard. These were approved, but not seen through.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>K2 telephone kiosks of 1927, as designed by Giles Gilbert Scott, stand in front of Nos 249 and 331 Whitechapel Road, protected by listed status. There is a listed iron cannon bollard on the east side of Fulbourne Street at its north end near the corner with Durward Street. This bears the date 1818 and has been said to be a parish boundary marker. However, it is not on or near a parish boundary and, marked ‘CHt CH – MIDD’, has evidently been moved from a site in the parish of Christ Church Spitalfields.</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Walter Besant, <em>All Sorts and Conditions of Men</em>, 1882 (edn 2012), p. 98</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: London Metropolitan Archives, M/93/263,286,427–430: John Rocque, 'Map of London etc', 1746</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: Ordnance Survey map, 1873: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), L/WBW/1/5, pp. 390–2, 529; Stepney Borough Council Annual Report, 1909–10: <em>Reynold’s Newspaper</em>, 6 March 1898:  <em>East London Advertiser</em>, 24 Nov 1978: <em>Time Out</em>, 13 Dec 1979: Transport for London Group Archvies, LT000682/089</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Historic England, London historians file TH151: eds William D. Rubinstein, Michael Jolles, Hilary L. Rubinstein, <em>The Palgrave Dictionary of Anglo-Jewish History</em>, 2011, p. 543: newsreel of unveiling <a href=\"http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aanvqQlVeBE\">www.youtube.com/watch?v=aanvqQlVeBE</a>: <em>The Independent</em>, 10 Aug 1991</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: THLHLA, L/WBW/1/19, pp. 61, 104, 130–1, 301; L/WBW/1/22, pp. 503–5; L/WBW/7/1, pp. 12–14, 43: District Surveyors Returns</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: see interviews elsewhere on this website: THLHLA, Building Control files 17606–7</p>\n",
            "created": "2017-11-30",
            "last_edited": "2019-04-30"
        },
        {
            "id": 126,
            "title": "Historic England list description for 43-69 Philpot Street",
            "author": {
                "id": 11,
                "username": "amysmith"
            },
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                    "address": "69 Philpot Street",
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            "body": "<p>Excerpt from Historic England list entry for 43-69 Philpot Street (listed at Grade II):</p>\n\n<p>PHILPOT STREET E1 1. 4431 (West Side) Nos 43 to 69 (odd) TQ 3481 15/502 II GV 2. An early C19 symmetrical terrace divided in the centre (between Nos 55 and 57) by the entrance to Ashfield Street. Yellow stock brick with stone coping and stucco band above ground floor. Centre block, Nos 49 to 55 and Nos 57 to 63, have a higher brick parapet than the 2 ends of the terrace. 3 storeys and basement, 2 windows each. Gauged flat arches to recessed windows with glazing bars in semi-circular headed recesses on 1st floor. Ground floor windows round headed and with gothic glazing bars except those of Nos 65, 67 and 69 which have gauged flat arches and no gothic glazing bars. Round headed doors with fanlights and mostly fluted or panelled pilasters. Doors of Nos 43, 55 and 57, on returns to adjacent streets, have keystones with plaster heads and decorated impost bands.<br>\n<br>\nNos 43 to 69 (odd) form a group.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Historic England, National Heritage List for England, list entry number: 1065110 (online: https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/the-list/list-entry/1065110, accessed 26 August 2016).</p>\n",
            "created": "2016-08-26",
            "last_edited": "2016-08-26"
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        {
            "id": 265,
            "title": "The Crown and Seven Stars, 1975",
            "author": {
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                "username": "surveyoflondon"
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                "properties": {
                    "b_number": "47",
                    "b_name": "The Artful Dodger (formerly the Crown and Seven Stars)",
                    "street": "Royal Mint Street",
                    "address": "The Artful Dodger (formerly the Crown and Seven Stars) public house, 47 Royal Mint Street",
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            "body": "<p>A digitised colour slide from the Tower Hamlets Archives collection showing the Artful Dodger when it was still the Crown and Seven Stars, in 1975</p>\n\n<p><a href=\"https://twitter.com/LBTHArchives/status/821305594141442048\">https://twitter.com/LBTHArchives/status/821305594141442048</a></p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
            "created": "2017-01-23",
            "last_edited": "2019-05-16"
        },
        {
            "id": 841,
            "title": "St Paul's Dock Street",
            "author": {
                "id": 2,
                "username": "surveyoflondon"
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                "properties": {
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                    "b_name": "St Paul's Church",
                    "street": "Dock Street",
                    "address": "Former Church of St Paul, Dock Street",
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            "body": "<p>Once the Sailors’ Home on Well Street had opened in 1835, Capt. Robert Elliot was on the lookout for an opportunity to establish a ‘Sailors’ Church’ nearby, to supersede the Episcopal Floating Church, now both decaying and inappropriately located. With the widening of Dock Street in train in 1842, the Home sent a deputation to the Earl of Lincoln, Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests, eyeing a site behind the Home on what would become the new street’s east side. Thomas Webster was willing to sell other necessary land, but distractions followed. In 1843 Henry Roberts, acting as the Home’s architect, recommended acquiring the sugarhouse at the south end of the east side of Well Street with premises back to Wellclose Square, seeing that as a better site for the church. Then negotiations towards acquisition of the former Danish Church in Wellclose Square opened, but these ideas were abandoned in 1844. Elliot, collaborating with Lord Henry Cholmondeley and Capt. Henry Hope RN, returned the focus to the east side of Dock Street in early 1845 and terms were agreed with James Pennethorne, the Commissioners’ architect and surveyor, for the acquisition of a 70ft frontage for a sailors’ church. The land would be sold for £1,200, less than its market value, in recognition of the charitable intentions. There was provision for a passage north of the church to give direct access to the Home, and for a chaplain’s house beyond. A desire to identify the Sailors’ Home as the parent of the church on its façade came to nothing.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>A public meeting at Crosby Hall was convened on 30 April 1845 to put the erstwhile floating church on a ‘more permanent footing’. Chaired by Thomas Hamilton, ninth Earl of Haddington, First Lord of the Admiralty, alongside Charles James Blomfield, Bishop of London, an indefatigable church builder, especially in East London, it was well-attended. It opened a subscription fund to pay for the intended church and formed a committee, largely made up of men involved with the Home. Elliot was the chairman, closely deputised by the project’s treasurer, John Peter Labouchere, a prominent banker and another evangelical (also the brother of the politician Henry Labouchere, Baron Taunton), who had been one of the Home’s original trustees and its treasurer since 1834. Among others actively involved were Cholmondeley, Hope, Capt. Francis Maude RN, Capt. William Waldegrave RN, Capt. W. E. Farrer, S. B. Brooke, Andrew Johnson and the Rev. Charles Adam John Smith, chaplain of the floating chapel. </p>\n\n<p>Half of a £6,000 target, to cover the land, building and an endowment, had been promised within two months. Henry Roberts presented first plans for the church in July 1845, aiming to seat 600 on the ground floor and 300 more in side galleries. There was some to and fro as to whether the galleries were needed. Stone facing was initially thought an extra and there were disagreements as to the relative priorities of galleries as against stone facing. In the end both were included and there were 800 free seatings. Roberts’s ‘Early English’ style was approved in October, but he was asked to make the tower loftier and to cap building costs at £4,100. By January 1846, when subscriptions had reached £5,918 and the estimated building cost £4,500, Roberts had gained agreement that the tower should be placed to the north to allow for a lobby porch to the south. Pennethorne and Blomfield both asked for a façade of stone or ‘Patent Portland Cement’. In March, with the new road approaching completion, the building contract went to William Cubitt &amp; Co. for £5,826, the lowest tender. The façade would be ragstone and the spire would be postponed if funds ran out. Work began with John Birch as the Clerk of Works. On 11 May 1846 Prince Albert laid a foundation stone in the company of Blomfield, numerous admirals and other eminent figures, with a choir of seamen and their apprentices. By June the total sum needed had risen to £9,000, of which £2,000 had still to be raised. Even so, completion of the steeple was agreed and the whole work was completed in early 1847. Costs had risen to £7,013 and £9,020 had been raised, no single contribution being greater than £105. The Prince Consort returned for Blomfield’s consecration of St Paul’s Dock Street Church for Seamen of the Port of London on 10 July 1847. The Rev. Charles Besley Gribble was appointed the first Minister.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>Predictably,<em>The Ecclesiologist </em>pronounced in 1846 that ‘The design is extremely poor: a vulgar attempt at First-Pointed…. There is not the least idea in the composition…. The whole is stale and insipid.’[^3] By Puginian standards perhaps, but Roberts’s church has solemn and proportional solidity in keeping with its evangelical origins, and it survives to impart a touch of dash to an otherwise largely disappointing streetscape. The three-stage tower rises to a broached Portland stone octagonal spire with lucarnes. This reaches 100ft to make a landmark that was originally topped by a copper weather vane in the shape of a model ship, a flourish <em>The Ecclesiologist </em>thought ‘singularly vulgar’. The gable-fronted nave sports a large triple lancet with banded shafts below a sexfoil circle window. X-pattern iron pavement railings were removed during the Second World War. There are clerestoreys on the five-bay brick-faced returns and half dormers on the north aisle to ensure good light once the street was built up. An open timber roof with braced queen-post trusses rests on octagonal piers of ‘Carline-nose’ (Scottish) stone, said to resemble Purbeck marble, but long ago painted. Carved heads articulate the hood moulds above the piers. There were oak benches for 600 on the ground floor and side galleries for 200 more, with no west gallery. The pulpit and reading desk, both hexagonal, stood in front of a shallow almost vestigial hexagonal chancel; there was a small vestry to the south. The original stained-glass two-light east window, presented by Prince Albert and made by William Wailes in Newcastle, bore a passage from the 107thPsalm, ‘They that go down to the sea in ships …’. The organ was made by Gray and Davison in 1848.[^4] Among numerous wall-tablet memorials, many recording pathetic seaborne misfortunes, primacy in date and significance belongs to a Gothic tabernacle south of the chancel arch commemorating Elliot, who died in 1849, this made by R. Brown of Bloomsbury. </p>\n\n<p>In 1863–4 the Rev. Dan Greatorex (1828–1901) began a long and energetic ministry by getting the sailors’ church assigned a parochial district to fight off the spread of ritualism from St George in the East. At the same time, Edward Ledger Bracebridge, the architect then overseeing enlargement of the Sailors’ Home, assessed the steeple as unsafe. Its rebuilding ensued in works by Frederick and Francis John Wood of Mile End that included moving the organ to the west end of the south gallery, and replacing the altar reredos in stone. </p>\n\n<p>Stained-glass windows began to accumulate. On the north side there are two early nautical scenes, trefoiled top and bottom, one showing a lighthouse, the other commemorating Rear-Admiral Sir William Edward Parry, the Arctic explorer, who had been involved with the church from the first up to his death in 1855. It depicts his ship, the <em>Hecla</em>, forced against an iceberg in 1825. Greatorex put up the three-light west window in 1872 in memory of Capt. Sir John Franklin, another Arctic explorer who had attended the Crosby Hall meeting to set up the church shortly before departing on his final disastrous expedition. This was made by Cox &amp; Sons of London and shown in part at the International Exhibition at South Kensington. It illustrates incidents from Christ’s life relating to the sea. An additional east window was dedicated to Capt. John Thomson who died in the wreck of the <em>Gossamer</em>in 1868. More prosaically, churchwardens John Butler, a Wellclose Square haberdasher, and William Henry Graveley, a City surveyor, had windows placed, respectively, to the south in 1872 and the east in 1875. Another north-aisle window of 1902 was made by Jones &amp; Willis.[^5]</p>\n\n<p>Greatorex retired on account of ‘overwork and paralysis’ in 1897. His successor, the Rev. Edward G. Parry, had a flat-roofed choir vestry built between the south porch and the clergy vestry in 1899, and then reordered the interior in 1901. Thomas John Fox was his architect, G. E. Weston the builder. They took down the long disused galleries, introduced a central aisle and formed a raised chancel with choir stalls and iron rails. Seating thus reduced to 473 was thought ‘amply sufficient’. Decorative painting of the east wall with Gothic arches enhanced the reredos. The organ, rebuilt by Hele &amp; Co., moved to the southeast corner and St Mark’s chapel was formed in the northeast corner. All this cost £1,600.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>The Rev. Joseph Williamson arrived in 1952 and instigated further ritualist alterations achieved gradually up to 1959. A. G. Nisbet of J. Douglass Mathews &amp; Partners was his architect, with R. W. Bowman Ltd the builders. First they enlarged the sanctuary and further reduced seating, removing the clergy and choir stalls and three rows of pews. An aumbry was installed in the south wall and the model-ship weathervane was taken down, repaired and rehung. In 1956 Williamson put in a new east window in memory of Vice-Admiral Rev. Alexander Riall Wadham Woods, Chaplain to the Red Ensign Club from 1933 to his death in 1954, as well as to those of the parish who had lost their lives in the recent war. Depicting SS Paul and Nicholas, it was unveiled by the Queen Mother. Another single-light window portraying St Mark went up in the chapel of his name. Finally, a window of Mary with the infant Jesus, made to designs by Colwyn Morris, was inserted on the south side in memory of Mary Emma Mason. Morris probably also designed the other windows of the 1950s, all likely made by James Powell &amp; Sons (Whitefriars Glass).[^7]</p>\n\n<p>Use of the church declined in a neighbourhood dominated by slum clearances in which Catholicism was in any case the dominant religion. Following dock closures, in 1971 the parish merged with that of St George-in-the-East. Further decline partly associated with a new Muslim demography led to a declaration of redundancy in 1983 when the St Paul’s Trust Centre gained permission for a change of use to community, recreational and educational purposes. But this did not materialize and after closure for worship in 1990, around when the ship weathervane was moved to St Paul’s School, reuse continued to prove difficult to establish. A long lease was advertised in 1994 and a restaurant conversion approved in 1998, but it was 2000 before a viable scheme could be acted upon. Irene Beaumont (Selective Estates) then established a private nursery that opened in 2002. Alterations included the removal of the remaining pews and the insertion of floors in the aisles and at the west end behind steel-framed glazed partitions that are designedly reversible. Dave Hubble was the architectural consultant, working with D. Suttle and Associates, engineers.[^8]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: National Maritime Museum (NMM), SAH/1/1, pp. 148,240,249–51,279,328; SAH/1/2, pp. 8–9,23–5,32–8,175: The National Archives (TNA), WORK6/94, pp. 320–1</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), P93/PAU2/019: NMM, SAH/3/1: TNA, CRES60/6: <a href=\"http://www.rbs.com/heritage/people/john-peter-labouchere\">www.rbs.com/heritage/people/john-peter-labouchere</a>: <em>The Builder</em>, 21 March and 3 May 1846, pp. 142,221: <em>Illustrated London News (ILN)</em>, 16 May 1846, p. 321</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: <em>The Ecclesiologist</em>, vol. 6, 1846, pp. 34–5</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: LMA, P93/PAU2/019: DL/A/C/MS19224/550: <em>ILN</em>, 16 May 1846, p. 321 </p>\n\n<p>[^5]: LMA, P93/PAU2/020, /030, /034, /055–6, /089–098: <em>Building News</em>, 28 March 1873, p. 381: information kindly supplied by Peter Cormack and Michael Kerney</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: LMA, P93/PAU2/020, /022, /211, /258; DL/A/C/02/047/029; DL/A/C/02/081/078; District Surveyors Returns</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: LMA, P93/PAU2/084–8, /101, /215–19; DL/A/K/01/16/097; DL/A/C/02/100/120; DL/A/C/02/101/114; DL/A/K/01/16/099; DL/A/C/02/104/087: <em>Church Times</em>, 27 Feb. 1953: information kindly supplied by Peter Cormack and Michael Kerney</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Building Control files 21371, 26550: <em>Hackney Gazette</em>, 7 July 1972: <em>East London Advertiser</em>, 3 June 1983; 26 Nov. 1998, p. 4: <em>The Standard</em>, 14 Sept. 1983: Tower Hamlets planning applications online</p>\n",
            "created": "2019-03-01",
            "last_edited": "2019-08-13"
        },
        {
            "id": 692,
            "title": "Earlier history of the site of the Relay Building",
            "author": {
                "id": 2,
                "username": "surveyoflondon"
            },
            "feature": {
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                "properties": {
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            "body": "<p><em>The Seven Stars, 111-112 Whitechapel High Street, demolished</em></p>\n\n<p>A longstanding establishment on the High Street was the Seven Stars public house, probably part of Robert Cooper’s holding in the mid-seventeenth century. In 1690 John Morris, an innholder, who was married to Cooper’s granddaughter Anne, died leaving property in Whitechapel High Street to his widow and his daughter Mary, and the ‘widow Morris’ is taxed for herself and her daughter in the house adjoining Sarah Cooper’s in 1693.[^1] The apothecary John Skinner, who owned two freehold houses, and majority shares in three others adjoining, between Nag’s Head Yard and Moses and Aaron Alley (see below), left a half share in the Seven Stars at his death in 1720.[^2] The first certain landlord of the Seven Stars is Skinner’s tenant, William Chadsey, ‘of ye High Street’ (previously ‘at Bolt &amp; Tun Alley’) by 1712. Chadsey was a parish officer in the 1720s, and died at the Seven Stars in 1736.[^3] The Seven Stars was destroyed by fire in 1820, and damaged again by a serious fire in 1864 in the property adjoining, after which it was rebuilt on both sites as 111-112.[^4]</p>\n\n<p>The new building was anaemically Italianate but solidly commercial, three windows wide and three stories beneath a bracketed cornice with keyed cement frontage. The building stretched back 80ft, the rear and passageway top-lit. The rebuilder was George Webb, who had been in occupation since 1839, operating the pub and as a wholesale wine and brandy merchant till 1868. The establishment, known variously as Webb’s or Webb’s Seven Stars (perhaps to distinguish it from the Seven Stars in Brick Lane) into the twentieth century, was owned by the family of G.E. Barker from 1898 to the 1950s, with a new Brewers’ Tudor shopfront installed in the 1930s. The building survived the wartime devastation of Kent and Essex Yard to about 1964 when it was demolished and a new Seven Stars, run first by Ind Coope later by Taylor, Walker, was built as part of the Denning Point/Tyne Street estate on Commercial Street. It was a utilitarian two-storey concrete-frame building, the first-floor offices with strip windows and brown-brick facing, the ground-floor pub which extended into a single storey at an angle across the corner of Commercial Street, with full-height projecting concrete-framed windows. That Seven Stars was demolished c. 2004 for the building of One Commercial Street/Relay House.[^5] Although the final iteration of the Seven Stars stood at the corner of Commercial Street, the site to its east before successive road widenings had included four more houses until the 1840s. On their site and cleared c. 1964 along with the 1860s Seven Stars for the Denning Point estate, 110 Whitechapel High Street had been built in 1849. The builder was S. Grimsdell of Bishopsgate working for John Aldington Perry (1786-1853), the ironmonger previously in the recently demolished 109 High Street, presumed purchaser of the site in 1848.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>The shallow site was squeezed in between the new Commercial Street frontage and the site of the Seven Stars, so the new building, with heavy cornice and rusticated quoins, had a long frontage to Commercial Street, but only a narrow High Street frontage. It was one of the earliest developments on Commercial Street, whose development was slow to get going (the site opposite to the east, also adjacent to the High Street, was not rebuilt for more than 10 years). No. 110 was first a linendrapers, run by Richard Crouch (1819-83), previously at No. 116, who lived in the substantial upper parts, reached by a separate entrance in Commercial Street, with his family, servants and several shopmen and milliners till 1867. Then it was taken by the East London Bank, a joint stock bank serving the needs of local shopkeepers, founded in 1856 and which had opened premises at 97 High Street in 1863. It changed its name to the Central Bank of London Ltd in 1869 and the building remained a bank, through merger with the London City and Midland Bank in 1891 and as the Midland Bank from 1923 until its closure and demolition c.1964 in connection with the Tyne Street/Denning Point estate and widening of Commercial Street.[^7]</p>\n\n<p>The houses at the corner of Essex Street demolished in 1844 to make way for Commercial Street, were narrow, but with the usual long plots, vestiges of the burgage plots. Cordwainers were much in evidence in this corner of the High Street: Henry Pedley (d. 1769) and three of his sons, William, Henry and Joshua, had 107 and 108 from the 1750s to the time they were demolished in the 1840s; No. 107 was the Tung Shun Tea Hong, tea and coffee dealers in the 1830s.[^8] The most desirable was the corner house, No. 106, with its long frontage to Catherine Wheel Alley/Essex Street. In 1834, after its grocer occupant, Alexander Gibson, had gone bankrupt, it consisted of a ‘substantial dwelling house with private entrance a handsome shop and warehouse, recently modernised at considerable expense, a brick-built warehouse and dwelling, stabling for five horses, carriage yard enclosed with folding gate and separate entrances’, the premises taken over by T. Venables, drapers, before the building’s demolition in 1844.[^9] George Harvey watch- and clockmaker was at 110 in 1828-35, before moving to St George in the East.[^10]</p>\n\n<p><em>Woolworth’s, 114-118 Whitechapel High Street, demolished</em></p>\n\n<p>Adjoining the last two iterations of the Seven Stars to the west, and occupying most of the site cleared in 2004 for the Relay Building, had been a branch of Woolworth’s opened in 1960, replacing the Woolworth’s at the other corner of Commercial Street damaged in the war.[^11] It occupied the sites of Nos 114 to 118 inclusive, the whole of Kent and Essex Yard (see below), and incorporated the 1938 entrance to Aldgate East tube station at its east end (se xx). The design was by D.W. Hardy, an in-house architect for F.W. Woolworth. It was a typical Woolworth’s design of the period, two storeys over basement, fronted with a curtain wall of narrow framing and beige fibre-glass panels, with beige brick to the flank and rear. The sales floor was restricted to the ground floor, with offices, stock room and storage to the first floor and offices, restrooms and kitchen to the second. From the late 1970s further shops, Frankenberg’s Aldgate Shopping Centre, operated from the first floor of the building.[^12]Because of war damage, much of the Woolworth’s site was ruinous by 1959. It included the sites of Nos 114 to 118 Whitechapel High Street, and Kent and Essex Yard, discussed separately below. No. 114 Whitechapel High Street was the shop-house between the Seven Stars, and the entrance to Kent and Essex Yard (numbered promiscuously 113 and 114, presumably because it covered the site of two earlier houses), and like the Seven Stars  rebuilt following the 1864 fire.[^13] Fronted in stock brick, with vestigially Gothic gauged-brick windowheads, it was for nearly 50 years from the 1850s, through the rebuilding, and into the 1890s occupied by Robert Cramp and his son, wholesale twine and matting merchants.[^14] The building remained empty after 1937, gutted when the new entrance to Aldgate East station was inserted into the ground floor and following war damage the frontage was cleared, leaving behind the station entrance.[^15] Previous occupants of the site included Joshua Crowden (1694-1773), a cordwainer, from the 1720s to his death in 1773, and Peter Reed (d. 1829), a haberdasher and some-time Deputy Lieutenant for the Tower Hamlets.[^16]</p>\n\n<p>Later development on the frontage west of Kent and Essex Yard included the substantial premises at No. 115, which gave access to Kent and Essex Yard. This had passed by 1737 to the tenant, the oilman John Stephens, and in 1786 was leased from Stephens’ son by the wholesale cheesemonger Joseph Cuff (previously at No. 125, 1778-84, and 139, 1785-86), later owner of the whole of Kent and Essex Yard, and a large warehouse and counting house built across the rear of 115 and the smaller house at No. 116.[^17] In the 1830s it was French and Meredith’s crown-glass warehouse and leadworks, soon succeeded by linendrapers in which use the building essentially remained until destruction during the Second World War.[^18]  In 1894 The drapers Thomas Venables &amp; Sons expanded from their base at 102-105 (see above) into this building, which had most recently been the ‘Hen and Chickens’ drapery store, and adapted it, through Ashby Brothers, introducing large plate-glass windows to the first floor showrooms, flanked and separated by decorative panels of painted flowers, and ‘all the floors connected by a powerful lift’.[^19] </p>\n\n<p>The premises were taken over in 1929 by M. Duke &amp; Son, knitted woollen manufacturers, who continued in the blitzed premises, reduced to the ground floor and basement, till 1946, when the firm moved to Margaret Street, off Oxford Street. The remains were cleared in the 1950s.[^20]Adjoining to the west of No. 115 was an identical pair of four-storey shop-houses with semi-circular-headed windows to the first floor, Nos 116 and 117, described as ‘newly built’ in 1839, and cleared c. 1950.[^21]  No. 117 was rebuilt in 1952-3 in utilitarian style, with buff facing brick and strip windows, only to be demolished in 1959 for Woolworth’s.[^22] The final building cleared in 1959 was No. 118.[^23] Along with Nos 119 and 120, which survived until demolished for the Relay Building c. 2004, it was part of the 1880s development that included the surviving No. 122 (see above). No. 120 included a small warehouse, situated behind No. 119, accessed from an alley off Newcastle Street.[^24]</p>\n\n<p>From 1784 to 1852, before rebuilding, No. 119 was occupied and later owned by Alexander and Edmund MacRae, father and son oil and colour men.[^25] Later longstanding occupants of these houses included Blacklock, stationers, at 118 and later 117 from the 1830s to the 1890s, and Singer Sewing Machines at No. 118 from 1905 till wartime destruction when they reopened at No. 119 in the 1950s, remaining till the early 1980s.[^26]</p>\n\n<p><em>Kent and Essex Yard, formerly Nag’s Head Yard (demolished)</em></p>\n\n<p>Until final clearance in the 1950s, the Woolworth’s site had been Kent and Essex Yard, previously Nag’s Head Yard, the largest inn yard on the High Street. It had been known by the mid-seventeenth century as the Nag’s Head, a name that became associated with the inn a few hundred yards to the east, now 17-19 Whitechapel Road, though that inn was known before the 19th century as the Horsehead and Woolpack, or Nag’s Head and Woolpack, perhaps to prevent confusion. Trade tokens likely for the High Street ‘Nagg’s Head, Whitechapel’ were issued in 1650.[^27] It was known as the Nag’s Head into the 1730s: the innholder since the 1670s, John Swanson, left the lease to his son Abraham in 1712, and in 1715, following Abraham’s death, is was described as a ‘Good large accustom’d inn’, after which its leaseholder, Richard Heath, left the lease of the ‘Nagg’s Head Inn’ to his daughter Susanna in 1726.[^28] A half share in the Nag’s Head belonged at his death in 1720 to the apothecary John Skinner, on the High Street west of Nag’s Head Yard by 1675, and passed to John White, a tallowchandler (d. 1735) who owned extensive land on the north side of the High Street.[^29] The inn was occupied until 1742 by Thomas Bartlett, but after he left the Nag’s Head remained mysteriously empty for more than thirty years, the site apparently cleared. In 1779 the Revd Charles Phillips of Black Notley, Essex, White’s heir, leased the yard to a Whitechapel carpenter George Hadfield. When Hadfield assigned the lease the following year, the yard contained a workshop on its east side, and a small, double-fronted but shallow house, of two storeys with garrets, described as ‘new-built’, a washhouse, a small yard giving access to Rose and Crown Court (which had opened into both Catherine Wheel Alley and Nag’s Head Yard in the 17th century), and a three-stall stable, but no inn.[^30]</p>\n\n<p>Between 1783 and 1813 the yard’s freehold was assembled along with, in 1783, a large, newly built warehouse on the west side by Joseph Cuff, the wholesale cheesemonger at No. 115, the warehouse let, along with the small house, to Peter Minns, a ‘chinaman’ who died in 1791.[^31] In 1803, Cuff’s sub-lessee, John Gosling, rebuilt the small house as part of the inn, now known as the Kent and Essex Hotel and Tavern, which ranged around the northwest corner of the yard, with warehousing to its south. The accommodation included, letting bedrooms for fifty people (each one ‘with a window’), coffee room, small bar, parlour, tap room kitchens and pantries and a ‘ball, auction or election room, 56ft x 22ft.[^32] The cost was £4,000, claimed by the builder Henry Peto in a court case of 1825 when seeking unpaid fees from the estate of the client, John Gosling, then recently deceased).[^33]</p>\n\n<p>Cuff extended the yard eastward in 1813, acquiring strips of land from adjoining landowners to build four small houses.[^34] After Cuff’s death in 1817, the freehold of the yard passed to his sons Joseph and Thomas, and other trustees. Though offered for sale in 1818, ownership remained with the Cuffs and their trustees until 1837.[^35] </p>\n\n<p>The assembly room’s uses were many and varied. In 1811 John Clennell, proprietor of the <em>New Agricultural and Commercial Magazine</em>, gave a series of lectures on manufactures.[^36]  The Whitechapel Reform Union, established in the wake of the Spa Fields ‘riots, met there in 1833.[^37]</p>\n\n<p>In 1830 the licensee, Amelia Tutin, had successfully applied for an additional music licence, on the grounds that:</p>\n\n<p>‘there were a large number of the Jewish people who resided near the tavern and were customers. Weddings were constantly taking place … but they could not be celebrated at Mrs Toots’s (sic) as she had no music licence. Music was a very essential addition to these weddings, and, in fact, without it, according to the Jewish persuasion, could not be celebrated…. This was all well known to the magistrates of the division, and they had attached their names to the recommendation.’[^38] </p>\n\n<p>In 1832 the public was invited to inspect the ‘gorgeous magnificence and superb decorations’ of the Kent and Essex Tavern’s newly renovated Royal Persian Saloon and Concert Room, entrusted to Mr P. Phillips, ‘whose name is too well known to need encomium’, the ‘arrangement of the Vaudevilles’ assigned to ‘Mr Naphtali’.[^39] </p>\n\n<p>The freeholds of all of Kent and Essex Yard were finally sold by Thomas Cuff in five lots in 1837 for £4,200.[^40] They included the inn, a three-storey warehouse, a two-storey warehouse with booking office (for the carriage of parcels to and from Essex), two ten-stall stables with lofts, a cattle shed, dwelling house, counting house and other warehouse, and the four small houses. The buyer was John Gingell (1763-1838), a Wiltshire-born hay and straw salesman who had been in Whitechapel, with premises in Red Lion Street, since the 1790s, and whose family business came to dominate the yard over the next century.[^41]</p>\n\n<p>Part of the inn and warehouses were taken over and altered in 1838 as the wallpaper factory of Jeffrey, Wise &amp; Co., house furnishers and paper stainers, founded in 1836, with retail premises in St Helen’s Place, Bishopsgate, and from 1839 in Gracechurch Street.[^42] From the mid-1860s Jeffrey &amp; Co was to become synonymous with artistic wallpapers of the highest quality of design – William Morris, William Burges and E.W. Godwin all supplied designs or had their wallpapers printed by Jeffrey &amp; Co.[^43] Most of this came after the firm left Whitechapel in 1868, and came under the control of Metford Warner, but during its thirty years in Kent and Essex Yard, the firm had been equally innovative, though for technical rather than aesthetic reasons. In 1840 it acquired the Crease process for producing truly washable wallpapers, and installed the first machine in London for roller printing wallpaper in their factory at Kent &amp; Essex Yard.[^44]</p>\n\n<p>Russell Jeffrey (1806-67) was a Quaker paper stainer who, perhaps to devote time to his religion, in which he was active as a minister and a missionary in India, departed Whitechapel in 1855 for Cheltenham and set up in Gloucester as a chemist, druggist, and dealer in photographic materials.John Pilkington Wise had died in 1841 and Jeffrey entered a succession of partnerships with Robert Horne (of Horne &amp; Co., who also exhibited at the Great Exhibition in 1851), from c. 1842, and William Allen, opening a shop at 500 Oxford Street in the West End in 1854, before becoming Jeffrey &amp; Co. in 1858.[^45]  It was in 1862 while Jeffrey &amp; Co. still had premises in Kent and Essex Yard, and the partners were William Allen, Alfred Brown and Edward Hamilton, that they began printing wallpapers for William Morris, beginning with his first printed wallpaper design, ‘Daisy’. This was presumably printed in Whitechapel as although Jeffrey &amp; Co. merged with Holmes &amp; Aubert of Essex Road, Islington, noted for their hand-blocked wallpapers, this did not occur until 1864. Metford Warner, who completed Jeffrey &amp; Co.’s transformation into the leading ‘art wallpaper’ manufacturer, printing designs by Owen Jones and Bruce Talbert in 1867, joined the firm as a junior partner in 1866 but Jeffrey &amp; Co. retained their premises in Kent &amp; Essex Yard till 1868, after which production was consolidated in expanded premises in Essex Road.[^46]</p>\n\n<p>Kent and Essex Yard, however, became increasingly dominated by the business of the Gingells. As well as supplying hay and straw in Whitechapel’s hay market and in quantity to the Great Northern Railway, Gingells also ran the parcel-booking office, ‘all parcels and goods are safely warehoused and immediately forwarded to the places directed… Horses taken in to bait, and good accommodation for Carriages’.[^47] The 1803 house on the north side that had been part of the Kent and Essex Hotel served as offices for the Whitechapel Charities, the hay market tolls office and a rates offices  from the 1840s till Stepney Borough was created in 1900; and in the late 1860s and early 1870s there was a home in the yard for fourteen blind people, founded by the blind physician, Dr Thomas Rhodes Armitage, and run by the Indigent Blind Visiting Society. The residents worked in a workshop in Commercial Street (basketmaking, carpentry, etc) and the home was found ‘particularly useful in providing a refuge for the unmarried and friendless’.[^48]</p>\n\n<p>The much-reduced Kent and Essex Inn closed in 1871, and Gingell and Son, now run by John Gingell’s son James, and grandson William Henry, altered Jeffrey’s former warehouses and factory in 1884 with open ground floors for haycarts, installing a weighbridge. The early nineteenth-century house on the north side remaining as rates offices for Stepney Borough Council until the early 1930s. Following William Henry’s death in 1896 the firm had become Gingell, Son and Foskett Ltd which it remained till it was wound up in 1935.[^49] Kent and Essex Yard was sold in 1933, acquired by London Underground for the new entrance to Aldgate East Underground station that opened in October 1938 (see below). The shell of the warehouses on the site of the Kent and Essex inn rebuilt by Gingell on the west side survived into the 1950s.[^50]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p><em>History of the High Street frontage before 1775</em></p>\n\n<p>The site of the Relay Building included, before the creation of Newcastle Street (Tyne Street) in the early 1730s, twenty houses and two alleys – Grid Iron Alley and Three Bowl Alley, at the western end. By the mid-17th century there were nine houses, of between two and seven hearths, between Catherine Wheel Alley (site of Commercial Street) and the entrance to Nag’s Head Yard.[^51] In 1650 trade tokens with the sign of the seven stars were issued in Whitechapel by ‘R.C.’, probably Robert Cooper, tallow-chandler and draper, recorded as taking apprentices in Whitechapel from the 1630s. He died in 1665, leaving four houses on the High Street between the entrance to Nag’s Head Yard and Catherine Wheel Alley.[^52] He left his own house, adjoining to the west of these, to his grandson John Cooper; John Cooper left this in 1682 to his elder sister, Sarah, presumably the ‘Mrs Cooper’ present there in 1693. Other occupants of the houses east of the entrance to Nag’s Head Yard included in the 1660s and 1670s, a tailor, George Russell (on the site of 110), and a cheesemonger, Abel Evans (d. 1687; site of No. 111) and in the 1690s John Packwood (d. 1700; site of No. 114), ‘a freeman from Nag’s Head Gate’, and Samuel Emes/Emms (d. 1699; site of No. 107 or 108).[^53]</p>\n\n<p>The frontage west of the yard ran until the early 1730s to the narrow entrance to Moses and Aaron Alley, later Castle Alley/Old Castle Street. In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries the first five houses were held in whole or in part by an apothecary, John Skinner, who occupied the fifth house from the mid 1670s till his death in 1720. Skinner also owned a half share in both the Seven Stars and the Nag’s Head at the time of his death.[^54] His house was the largest of these five (site of later No. 119), with six hearths in the 1670s. His tenants in 1720 included John Stephens, an oilman (site of No. 115 by the entrance to Nag’s Head Yard), the business continued into the 1750s by his widow and sons, and John Swaffield, a stationer, resident in the High Street for 60 years (site of No. 117).[^55]</p>\n\n<p>Between Skinner’s holding and Moses and Aaron Alley (Old Castle Street), there were six streetside houses and, until the creation of Newcastle Street (Tyne Street) in the early 1730s, two small courts, Three Bowl Alley and Grid Iron Alley. In 1590 a Whitechapel white-baker named Raphe Thickness (d. 1607) acquired a house on the High Street known as the Crown and Hammer, later renamed the Three Pigeons, and another messuage adjoining known as the Three Bowls.[^56] The Three Bowls was ‘fallen down’ by 1700 and the Three Pigeons recently rebuilt. The Three Pigeons site, immediately west of John Skinner’s property, was used throughout the seventeenth century by noxious trades – soapboilers and tallowchandlers.[^57]</p>\n\n<p>By 1716, John White, tallowchandler (d. 1735), had acquired the Three Pigeons and Three Bowl Alley, an irregularly shaped site with a 17ft frontage (the Three Pigeons) on the High Street, stretching back 190ft, which included a jettied workshop probably of the sixteenth century, still partly occupied by the Thickness family, and two other small house/workshops, and a piece of garden ground.[^58] In 1730 White leased the plot to William Newland (d. 1755) of the Inner Temple, and by 1734 Newland had laid out Newcastle Street (later Tyne Street), on the west side of the Three Pigeons, with nine small houses ranged up behind it on its former garden ground. By 1734 the corner house had been rebuilt as The Indian Queen, ‘formerly the Three Pidgeons’, on the site of the later No. 120.[^59]</p>\n\n<p>The entrance to Newcastle Street snaked westwards from the High Street around another High Street building to meet the line of the new street. This house was originally part of the Three Pigeons site, now in separate ownership; in the 1730s and early 1740s it was occupied by the Quaker goldsmith, Thomas Gray, and later his daughter and son-in-law Nathan Tillotson. Perhaps Gray declined to relinquish his house for the building of Newcastle Street, although it was demolished c. 1880 for the building of the new No. 122.[^60] Between this house and Moses and Aaron Alley (Old Castle Street) there was another alley, Grid Iron Alley, known b the seventeenth century, and a further three street-side houses which survived to 1883. In 1666 Rowland Cuney, a brewer and vintner, who was ‘of Whitechapel’ and ‘at the Grid Iron’ by 1645, was taxed for a substantial eight-hearth house on the High Street here, possibly the eponymous ‘Grid Iron’; he was probably also the ‘R.C.’ who issued trade tokens marked with the sign of a man in the moon, as he was also taxed in 1666 for a fourteen-hearth house in Plough Street, site of the Man in the Moon inn.[^61] The Grid Iron as a location rather than one house, and presumably meaning the alley, is mentioned in the will of the pattenmaker George Harvey, who occupied property there by 1716, and held tenements there when he wrote his will in 1741, but it was apparently built over, absorbed once more into the site of one of the High Street houses, not long after.[^62]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), London Wills: Four Shillings in the Pound Aid assessment, 1693-4 (4s£)</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: The National Archives (TNA), PROB 11/576/345</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: Ancestry: LMA, Land Tax returns (LT): <em>Daily Courant</em>, 28 May and 4 June 1725: LMA, MR/LV/05/26</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: <em>Yorkshire Gazette</em>, 18 Nov 1820, p. 2: <em>London Evening Standard</em>, 11 Oct 1864, p. 2</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: Post Office Directories (POD): <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 2 April 1839, p. 4: <em>Essex Herald</em>, 21 Aug 1866, p. 2: <em>East London Observer</em>, 16 May 1868, p. 3: LMA, LMA/4433/D/03/011: Goad insurance maps: Tower Hamlets planning application s online (THP): Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), Building Control file 15653 location 149</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: POD: Census: <em>The Builder</em>, 18 March 1848, p. 1</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: POD: Census: LMA, District Surveyor's Returns (DSR); <em>The Globe</em>, 17 Dec 1868, p. 2: THP</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: LT: Ancestry: <em>Chelmsford Chronicle</em>, 20 March 1840, p. 1</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: <em>Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser</em>, 25 Jan 1834, p. 1</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: F. J. Britten, <em>Former Clock &amp; Watchmakers and their Work</em>, London and New York, 1894, p. 336: POD</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: THLHLA, P07186</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: POD: THLHLA, Building Control file no. 15883 loc. 47: information Raju Vaidyanathan</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: <em>London Evening Standard</em>, 11 Oct 1864, p. 2: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 16 Nov 1864, p. 8</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: POD: Ancestry: Census</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: THLHLA, photographs: POD</p>\n\n<p>[^16]: LMA, Parish records of St Mary Whitechapel, burials 1773: University of Nottingham Special Collections, Pl X3/7: oldbaileyonline: Transport for London Group Archives (TfLGA), LT000555/569/006, 007: POD: <em>Gentleman's Magazine</em>, Sept 1829, p. 284</p>\n\n<p>[^17]: LT: POD</p>\n\n<p>[^18]: POD: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 8 Nov 1830, p. 1: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 28 April 1830, p. 3</p>\n\n<p>[^19]: <em>Chelmsford Chronicle</em>, 9 Nov 1894, p. 5: <em>Chelmsford Chronicle</em>, 23 Nov 1894, p.6: DSR</p>\n\n<p>[^20]: POD: THLHLA, P07192: Historic England Archives (HEA), Aerofilms, EAW021448: J.B. Hobman, ed., <em>Palestine’s Economic Future</em>, 1946, p. lxxix: <em>Edinburgh Gazette</em>, 22 Feb 1949, p. 77</p>\n\n<p>[^21]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 28 Oct 1839, p. 3</p>\n\n<p>[^22]: THLHA, Building Control file 15883, location 47 </p>\n\n<p>[^23]: THLHA, Building Control file 15883, location 47</p>\n\n<p>[^24]: THLHLA, C/OFR/1/14/9</p>\n\n<p>[^25]: LT: TNA, PROB 11/1570/330</p>\n\n<p>[^26]: POD: THLHLA, P07182</p>\n\n<p>[^27]: British Museum, T.3962: George C. Williamson and William Boyne<em>, Trade Tokens Issued in the Seventeenth Century in England, Wales and Ireland by Corporations, Merchants, Tradesmen etc</em>., London, 1889, vol. 1, p. 793</p>\n\n<p>[^28]: LMA licensees 1730: LMA, St Mary Whitechapel parish records, Burials 1715: Hearth Tax returns (HT) 1673-4: LMA, DL/C/B/010/MS09172/105, f.29; DL/C/B/010/MS09172/127, f.81: <em>Post Boy</em>, 24 to 26 Feb 1715-16</p>\n\n<p>[^29]: TNA, PROB 11/576/345; PROB 11/671/56</p>\n\n<p>[^30]: THLHLA, P/SLC/1/17/08: LT</p>\n\n<p>[^31]: TNA, PROB 11/1210/84: LT</p>\n\n<p>[^32]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 12 Aug 1808, p. 1: British Library, Crace Portfolio 16-20</p>\n\n<p>[^33]: <em>London Courier and Evening Gazette</em>, 15 Dec 1803, p. 3: <em>London Courier and Evening Gazette</em>, 15 Dec 1825, p. 3: TNA, C13/2202/5</p>\n\n<p>[^34]: TfLGA, LT000555/569/006; LT000555/569/007</p>\n\n<p>[^35]: TNA, PROB 11/1598/96: TfLGA, LT000555/569/006, 010</p>\n\n<p>[^36]: <em>Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser</em>, 23 Dec 1811 p. 2</p>\n\n<p>[^37]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 13 June 1833 p. 2: Ian A. Burney, <em>Bodies of Evidence: Medicine and the Politics of the English Inquest, 1830-1926</em>, pp. 37-40</p>\n\n<p>[^38]: <em>London Evening Standard</em>, 29 Oct 1830, p. 4</p>\n\n<p>[^39]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 2 Oct 1832, p. 2; 10 Oct 1832, p. 2</p>\n\n<p>[^40]: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 31 March 1837 p 4</p>\n\n<p>[^41]: TfLGA, LT000555/569/010: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 14 Jan 1835, p. 1</p>\n\n<p>[^42]: TNA, PROB 11/1940/168: POD: TfLGA, LT000555/569/012: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 10 Aug 1839, p. 4: LMA, CLC/B/192/F/001/11936/562/1281976; MS CLC/B/192/F/001/11936/ 560/1281799</p>\n\n<p>[^43]: A.V. Sugden and J.L. Edmondson, <em>A History of English Wallpaper, 1509-1914</em>, 1926, pp. 58-9, 152, 209-212: Christine Woods, ‘Jeffrey &amp; Co.’, in <em>Encyclopedia of Interior Design</em>, ed. Joanna Banham, 1997, pp. 652-4</p>\n\n<p>[^44]: A.V. Sugden and J.L. Edmondson, <em>A History of English Wallpaper, 1509-1914</em>, 1926, pp. 127, 178</p>\n\n<p>[^45]: POD: Quaker memorials</p>\n\n<p>[^46]: Sugden and Edmondson, <em>op. cit., </em>pp. 166-7, 209-12: <em>London International Exhibition: Official Catalogue of the Industrial Department</em>, 1862, np {p. 533}</p>\n\n<p>[^47]: <em>Essex Standard</em>, 25 May 1838, p. 1</p>\n\n<p>[^48]: POD: <em>The Atlas</em>, 19 June 1868, p. 7: <em>Morning Advertiser</em>, 22 July 1867, p. 5: <em>East London Observer</em>, 24 April 1869, p. 4: Census: http://www.ucl.ac.uk/bloomsbury-project/institutions/blind_indigent.htm</p>\n\n<p>[^49]: DSR: TfLGA, LT002051/2317, LT002051/2318, LT002051/2319, LT002051/2320: THLHLA, LC10981: TNA, IR58/84816/2523; IR58/84840/5739: <em>Estates Gazette</em>, 8 April 1933: <em>London Gazette</em>, 18 Jan 1935, p. 491</p>\n\n<p>[^50]: HEA, Aerofilms, EAW048559</p>\n\n<p>[^51]: Ogilby and Morgan, map of London, 1676: HT 1666, 1674-5</p>\n\n<p>[^52]: British Museum, T.3950, T.3951: Essex Record Office, D/DSf/T9: LMA, LMA/4433/D/03/011; CLC/B/192/F/001/MS11936/321/490757; MR/LV/05/026</p>\n\n<p>[^53]: <a href=\"http://www.londonroll.org/\">http://www.londonroll.org/</a>: HT: 4s£</p>\n\n<p>[^54]: TNA, PROB 11<strong>/</strong>576<strong>/</strong>345: HT 1674-5: 4s£</p>\n\n<p>[^55]: LT: TNA, PROB 11/689/310</p>\n\n<p>[^56]: LMA London wills, Raphe Thickness 1607; E/PHI/001</p>\n\n<p>[^57]: LMA, London wills: William Goodwin 1677</p>\n\n<p>[^58]: LMA, E/PHI/003</p>\n\n<p>[^59]: LMA, MDR/1734/5/215, E/PHI/036</p>\n\n<p>[^60]: LT: <em>Daily Advertiser</em>, 13 Jan 1744: Ancestry</p>\n\n<p>[^61]: HT 1666: British Museum, T.3954: Ancestry </p>\n\n<p>[^62]: LT: TNA, PROB 11/737/471</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
            "created": "2018-07-04",
            "last_edited": "2018-07-04"
        },
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            "id": 96,
            "title": "War Damage and Rebuilding, c.1939 to 1990",
            "author": {
                "id": 2,
                "username": "surveyoflondon"
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                "properties": {
                    "b_number": "25",
                    "b_name": "The Wash Houses, London Metropolitan University, former Whitechapel Baths",
                    "street": "Old Castle Street",
                    "address": "The Wash Houses, London Metropolitan Univeristy, 25 Old Castle Street, London E1 7NT",
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            "body": "<p> </p>\n\n<p>A rocket bomb that fell on 10 November 1944 spelled the definitive end for the washing department. Whitechapel Baths remained in a ‘bombed state’ for many years after. Water from the swimming baths had already been pumped to Houndsditch to put out fires raging during the blitz in 1941. [^16]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p>Although the men’s second-class bath was damaged beyond repair and the wash-house abandoned, the two other pools were salvaged and reinstated for short-term use. The ladies swimming bath was retained as an indoor pool whilst the roofless men’s first-class bath was continued as an outdoor pool. But this was an unsatisfactory arrangement for such a well-loved establishment and a lengthy negotiation to rebuild ensued between Stepney Borough Council and the War Damage Commission beginning in 1954. [^17]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p>The drawn out dispute that followed centred on the Council’s desire for a ‘modern redevelopment’ of the Baths instead of the ‘like-for-like’ reinstatement which formed the basis of the War Commission’s compensation package. Both parties finally settled on a sum of £72,000 for reconstruction. Unwilling to give up on their vision of a substantially updated building, the Council was left to make up the difference between the compensation and the cost of their redevelopment. The building contract was won by W. J. Marston and Son Ltd for £109,548 and work began in November 1959 for a projected eighty weeks, but, as with previous rebuildings, work significantly overran. Inclement weather, late amendments to the design, difficulty of sourcing materials and unexpected issues with the foundations and structural works contributed to the delays. The new building was finally opened on 28 April 1962. [^18]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p>Reusing the foundations, the scheme mostly reiterated the internal organization of the previous building although the new façade along Goulston Street was given a Modernist twist. The swimming baths themselves were mostly unchanged, excepting enlarged viewing galleries, suspended ceilings and a small extension to the first-class swimming bath to bring it to 100 feet exactly in length. Fifty-nine slipper baths were positioned on the ground and first floors as before but terrazzo partitions replaced their slate predecessors. The ‘public laundry’ to the eastern side and the boiler house were reinstated. For the first time however, provisions were made to ensure all swimming baths could be used by men and women. The work re-established the Whitechapel Baths as the best in the area, a fact reflected in its higher charges for galas and buoyant attendance figures. [^19]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p>In the year 1963-4 there were 82,790 users of the slipper baths and 109,620 of the swimming baths, and yet it was considered that the use of slipper baths was in ‘sharp decline’ as a result of a loss of population in the local area and the improved housing facilities. There is evidence that, as the Jewish community resiled from use of the washing facilities in respect of the Sabbath, the area’s new Muslim community revived demand for the baths in connection with their ritual ablutions. In 1960 the Baths opened one hour early in order to ensure that members of the East London Mosque could wash and attend the mosque in time for 9am prayers for Eid. In a further reflection of changes in leisure practices, 1972 saw many slipper baths removed to make way for two new pine-faced saunas, divided for male and female use. A solarium was installed in 1976 alongside a gym with a five-stationed ‘gym compact’, a rowing and a cycling machine. One wall within the gym was decorated with a mural depicting gymnasts in action, produced by local artists from the Tower Hamlets Arts Project. [^20]</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p>The 1990s ushered in the closure of the Whitechapel Baths, in spite of surviving a fire in 1985. Promising a brand new swimming pool elsewhere in the borough, the Council reported that the Baths did not meet modern health and safety standards and were running at a loss. The abrupt closure provoked an intense outburst of bitterness and protest in Whitechapel which was organised into a co-ordinated but ultimately unsuccessful ‘Save Whitechapel Baths’ campaign. Feasibility studies spurred on by this group demonstrated the viability of re-opening the institution but no action was taken apart from a stripping of the building’s assets. The Baths sat vacant for two years and sank further into a state of decline. In 1993, the land was sold to the London Guildhall University (formerly the City of London Polytechnic), with the intention of converting the swimming pools into lecture halls. [^21]</p>\n\n<p>[^16]: LMA, GLC/AR/BR/07/0377, 1 May 1945; 7 Jan 1957; THLHLA, L/SMB/A/3/20, 7 Sept 1961; THLHLA, Pamphlet, ‘Whitechapel Public Swimming Baths’, n.d., 611.1</p>\n\n<p>[^17]: THLHLA, L/SMB/A/3/18, 30 May 1957; THLHLA, L/SMB/A/3/19, 9 Oct 1958</p>\n\n<p>[^18]: THLHLA, L/SMB/A/3/18, 30 May 1957, p.151; 6 Nov 1958, p.210; THLHLA, L/SMB/A/3/19, 17 June 1958, p.225; 5 Nov 1959; 29 Dec 1960; 9 Oct 1958; THLHLA, L/SMB/A/3/20, 14 June 1962, p.10</p>\n\n<p>[^19]: THLHLA, L/SMB/A/3/19, 23 June 1960, p.64; 3 Nov 1960; 29 Dec 1960; 27 April 1961; 8 Sept 1960; 27 April 1961; 22 June 1961; 29 Dec 1960; 2 Feb 1960; 5 April 1962, p.186</p>\n\n<p>[^20]: THLHLA, L/SMB/A/3/18, 17 June 1958, p.225; THLHLA, L/SMB/A/3/20, 25 June 1964; THLHLA, L/SMB/A/3/19, 7 April 1960; <em>ELA</em>, 5 Jan 1973; <em>THN</em>, Dec 1976</p>\n\n<p>[^21]: <em>ELA, </em>2 Oct 1992; 13 July 1990; 20 July 1990; 24 Aug 1990; 21 Jan 1993; 6 Feb 1992; <em>Leisure Week</em>, 13 Aug 1990</p>\n",
            "created": "2016-07-27",
            "last_edited": "2019-08-02"
        },
        {
            "id": 872,
            "title": "Co-operative Wholesale Society Administrative Offices and Bank, 1 Prescot Street",
            "author": {
                "id": 14,
                "username": "rebecca.preston"
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            "body": "<p>Leonard Gray Ekins, FRIBA (1877–1948) worked all his adult life for the Co-operative Wholesale Society and served as London Branch Chief Architect from 1916 to 1942.[^1] In 1898–1903 he was assistant architect under F. E. L. Harris at Manchester and confirmed as Newcastle’s Branch Architect in 1905.[^2] Like Harris, Ekins employed the Hennebique system of reinforced concrete in his larger projects, including the Dunston-on-Tyne soap works (1907–9, extended 1911–14).[^3] He was placed in charge of the new branch Architects’ Department, which covered London, the South of England and South Wales, in 1916, and appears to have been based initially at 99 Leman Street.[^4] In his early years in Whitechapel Ekins seems principally to have been involved with planning alterations to the block on the west side of Leman Street (Nos 108–118), which housed the coffee works and bacon stoves, but was doubtless also at work on more ambitious projects. Demolitions had already begun on the north side of this block, in 1912 if not before, with a former restaurant at the corner with Prescot Street. By January 1913 the CWS had erected a temporary single-storey iron building for use as offices in its place and renumbered the plot 1 Prescot Street, presumably with a more impressive building in mind for the future.[^5] The demolition of the neighbouring houses at the corner of Prescot Street took place at around the same time. Ekins made plans in 1923 for a series of temporary covered workshops and garages, which extended south behind the bacon stoves and coffee works at 116–118 Leman Street, with an entry created by the demolition of the house at 90 Chamber Street. But this work seems not to have been executed and no further building appears to have taken place on this site until preparations for the new Administrative Offices and Bank in about 1930.[^6]</p>\n\n<p>The impressive building now known as 1 Prescot Street is probably L. G. Ekins’s best-known London work. This steel-framed office block, with dramatic, cliff-like elevations above its artificial granite base, looms over Leman Street and Prescot Street, where it occupies a prime position on the south-west side of the crossroads, nearly opposite the site where the London Branch had begun in 1881. At the opening of the first section of the Administrative Offices in 1933, CWS publicity explained how, on the east side of Leman Street, No. 99 was in a line of buildings that continued for 514 feet, while on the other side the headquarters of the E&amp;SCWS extended for 331 feet. Street directories capture the spread of the two societies along Leman Street – the CWS at 53 &amp; 55 and 99 on the east side and 82, 116, 118 and 130, and the E&amp;SCWS at 100 Leman Street on the west.[^7] To the CWS at least, this provided further evidence of the almost seamless ‘Co-operative Advance along Leman Street’.[^8] But to some, the range of architectural styles was now bewildering. An article in <em>Building</em> by architect Frederic Towndrow described the impact made by Ekins’s new Administrative Offices in comparison with its older CWS neighbours:</p>\n\n<p>'After wandering through this unpleasant part of London, one comes upon it with a shock of pleasant surprise. Its adjacent buildings, also belonging to the Co-operative Society and designed several years ago, are frankly awful. Here in such low company is one of the most interesting and beautiful buildings erected in England in recent years. In contrast with work of a similar kind, which was being done a few years ago, here is food for optimism and faith in the human race. The building has spirit, it has urge, and a sense of grand advancement.'[^9]</p>\n\n<p>In 1930 Ekins had travelled to Germany and Holland with CWS Architects W. A. Johnson, FRIBA (from Manchester) and W. G. T. Gray (Newcastle-upon-Tyne) to study ‘modern architecture’, which CWS historian Percy Redfern took as a sign of how the CWS kept pace with ‘the revolutionary change since the war in the outlook of the [architectural] profession’.[^10] Towndrow was unconcerned as to whether the new administrative block was ‘modern, or functionalist, or English, or Dutch or merely original’ but thought it had ‘some life and power in it’.[^11] It has been heralded since as ‘a riot of German Expressionist and Wrightian motifs’, with ‘rugged Amsterdam-School style Expressionist brickwork’.[^12] As Teresa Pinto points out, in openly embracing this new style from the Continent, the CWS was doing more than just following fashion: ‘it was also celebrating its role within the international co-operative movement, in which it conceptualised itself as the leading player’.[^13] Ekins’s undated elevation drawings for the new block were received by the LCC in July 1929 and show the design as executed, with contrasting textured spandrel panels, spiny antefixae and other detailing, which indicate that, even before his tour of Europe in 1930, he already had such a building in mind.[^14]</p>\n\n<p>The approved drawings covered the complete development of the six-storey Administrative Offices on the Prescot Street, Leman Street and Chamber Street sites but it was executed in two planned stages; like the tea warehouse, which opened in 1897 and subsequent E&amp;SCWS and CWS buildings, the building was executed in-house by the CWS Building and Engineers’ Departments. The first portion, on the north side of the block between Prescot Street and Chamber Street, was opened formally in April 1933 and contained the CWS Bank on the ground floor. Although Ekins’ drawings of around 1929 indicate that he proposed to add the double-height mansard at a later date, and CWS board minutes of February 1930 discuss the cost of planning for two extra floors, photographs of May 1933 appear to show the first phase of the building, fronting Prescot Street and the corner of Leman Street, completed to full height.[^15] Unless it was retrospective, it is therefore not clear what was meant by the ‘addition of fifth and sixth floors with alterations’ itemised in district surveyors’ returns of 1936.[^16]</p>\n\n<p>When both phases were complete, the building was designed to hold 500 people and it was proposed that the Architects’ Department, and the Engineers’ and Building Departments, would be housed in ‘happy unity’ on the two upper floors.[^17] The Architects’ Department designed the retail stores as well as the Wholesales’ premises and in 1933 a total of 800 architectural, engineering and building staff based at branch offices in England and Wales were to be supervised from the new Administrative Offices.[^18] The CWS highlighted the symbolism of having frontages in both Leman Street and Prescot Street – Leman Street, with the entrance to the Bank, being a ‘co-operative colony’, while Prescot Street was ‘the thoroughfare that leads to the Tower of London, the Royal Mint, and the great City itself’.[^19]</p>\n\n<p>The new Bank – ‘the clearing house’ of the Co-operative movement – had three times more floorspace than in its former home at 99 Leman Street, where it had opened in 1920 with ‘only 441 current and deposit accounts’.[^20] The panel above the Prescot Street entrance, depicting a naked man and woman grasping a wheatsheaf staff beneath a beehive to symbolise co-operation, was designed by J.C. Blair, the brother of a late director of the CWS.[^21] An underground tunnel connected the new building with the London Tea Department on the north side of Prescot Street.[^22] There were now nearly 2,957 CWS employees in and about Leman Street with a further 978 working for the E&amp;SCWS at Leman Street, the bonded warehouses at Middleton’s Wharf, Wapping, and the chocolate factory at Luton.[^23]</p>\n\n<p>Although the CWS had claimed in 1930 that, ‘compared with northern grime, Whitechapel was the high street of an old-world country town’,[^24] the effects of urban pollution on Ekins’s London exteriors may perhaps have influenced CWS practice in Manchester. Similarly dentilated brickwork in contrasting panels was in the late 1930s also employed by the CWS Architects’ Department in Manchester, for example at the new Menswear Department and Drapery Warehouse, which opened at the end of 1939. It was reported that the buff and blue brickwork and reconstructed stone dressings had been chosen ‘with a view to survival from the more murky effects of a drab climate’.[^25] When the first portion of the London Administrative Offices was opened in 1933, the promotional booklet insisted that while Balloon Street, Manchester, ‘retains its historic position in the CWS; Leman Street affords evidence of the conquering power of co-operation in the Capital City of Empire’.[^26]</p>\n\n<p>The second portion of the administrative block was undertaken in 1957–8, thereby completing Ekins’s suite of Expressionist blocks on the west side of Leman Street; the Leman Street entrance was moved further to the south than originally conceived and the return building line on Chamber Street was also modified.[^27] Other than the three-bay side return on Chamber Street, where Ekins’s seven-storey wing ended, the elevation flanking Chamber Street (which was rarely photographed) was one-storey high above the plinth.[^28] This was described in 1957 as ‘partial development’, and thus represented a curtailment of Ekins’s original four-storey design for the south side of the block.[^29] Plans of around 1929 show a dining room on the ground floor, with a double-height meeting hall and staff gymnasium on the unexecuted storeys above.[^30] An extension was added in 1960 to the Chamber Street front at second-floor level, near the private link road between Prescot Street and Chamber Street, but otherwise the exterior fronting Chamber Street was not altered significantly until after 1973.[^31] Like other CWS and E&amp;SCWS premises locally, the whole administrative office complex was arranged around an open area which served as light well and yard, entered in this case from the link road. This link road was eventually bridged with a foot passage above second floor on the Prescot Street frontage, in order to connect with Ekins’s furnishing warehouse of 1939. Inside the administrative block, ‘Empire hardwoods’ were used throughout and the completed building contained a double-height boardroom and directors’ dining room, in addition to the banking hall and associated offices.[^32]</p>\n\n<p>Now known as 1 Prescot Street, the Administrative Office and Bank were generally known as 110 Leman Street and 1 Prescot Street (but were still addressed with their original numbering of 108–118 Leman Street and 1–9 Prescot Street by the GLC in 1973).[^33] In 1968 ‘alterations to form offices’ were agreed to the sixth floor ‘Ex Architects’ Department’.[^34] Changes in the 1970s included a new CWS Travel Bureau on the ground floor with a basement adaptation for a bullion room.[^35] A total refurbishment was carried out for the CWS in 1985.[^36] It was presumably at this time that the single-storey elevation along Chamber Street was carried up to the height of the Leman Street front and capped with aprojecting attic, since drawings of 1995 showing the present Chamber Street elevation proposed removing the ‘existing windows’ above the first floor with decorative metal grilles to vent car parking areas on the ground, first and second storeys.[^37] In 1995 IKA Project Design &amp; Management submitted plans for a proposed conversion from offices to residential accommodation with 115 units on behalf of CWS Property, with landscaping and associated works.[^38] After these were passed in mid-1996, a representative from Rialto Homes Plc attended the meeting between the architects and the District Surveyor to discuss a fire strategy for the accepted scheme. Later the same year, by which time the CWS was not mentioned in building control or planning correspondence, Rialto Homes submitted a revised scheme. Permission was sought and granted for the refurbishment, change of use and conversion from offices and ancillary uses, to create a gym at basement level, 150 residential units on floors one to seven (including four residential units at roof level), and car parking and cycle storage at lower ground, ground and new mezzanine floor levels (i.e., no carparking above the first floor as originally planned).[^39] Present use, and plans by Rialto’s architects for the conversion, Denton Corker Marshall Ltd, indicate commercial units on the ground-floor Leman Street and Prescot Street fronts.[^40] The building and its railings were listed Grade II in 1990.</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: ‘Obituaries’, <em>RIBA Journal</em>, September 1948, p. 519: Percy Redferen, <em>Story of the C.W.S.</em>, 1913, p. 325.</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: Lynn Pearson, <em>Architecture of the Co-operative Movement</em>, draft Chapter 4, p. 2.</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: Pearson, draft Chapter 4, p. 3: Michael Stratton and Barrie Trinder, <em>Twentieth Century Industrial Archaeology</em>, 2000, 2013 edn., pp. 13, 46; <em>CWS Annual</em>, 1915, p. 121.</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Royal Institute of British Architects, L. G. Ekins RIBA nomination papers, 5 November 1920; ‘CWS Architects’ Activities’, <em>The Producer</em>, November 1924, p. 17.</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: Photograph of the CWS Tea Department, <em>The Wheatsheaf</em>, January 1913, p. 103: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (THLHLA), Great Prescot Street drainage plans, 1 Prescot Street, 25 November 1915.</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: Great Prescot Street drainage plans, 1/7 Prescot Street and 90 Chamber St, 1923, THLHLA, L/THL//D/2/30/119: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), District Surveyors Returns serial no. 1923.0301.</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: Ancestry, Post Office Directory, 1932, p. 431.</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: <em>London Branch of the CWS</em>, 1933, p. 21.</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: Frederic E. Towndrow, ‘Current Architecture’, <em>Building</em>, July 1933, p. 282.</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: <em>New History of the C.W.S.</em>, 1938, p. 423.</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: Towndrow, ‘Current Architecture’, <em>Building</em>, July 1933, p. 282.</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: Elain Harwood, Historic England Archives, London Historians File TH 137; <a href=\"https://britishlistedbuildings.co.uk/101065738-number-1-prescot-street-and-attached-wall-and-railings-whitechapel-ward#.XHk9O9HgpN0\">https://britishlistedbuildings.co.uk/101065738-number-1-prescot-street-and-attached-wall-and-railings-whitechapel-ward#.XHk9O9HgpN0</a>; Bridget Cherry, Simon Bradley, Charles O’Brien, Nikolaus Pevsner, <em>London: East</em>, 2005, p. 436.</p>\n\n<p>[^13]: Teresa Pinto,<em>An Architectural History of the Co-operative Movement in London, 1916–1939</em>, unpublished MA dissertation, UCL Bartlett School of Architecture, 2015, p. 8.</p>\n\n<p>[^14]: LMA, GLC/AR/BR/19/3339.</p>\n\n<p>[^15]: THLHLA, Building control file, 22378, 110 &amp; 1–7 Prescot Street; 110–20 Leman Street plans (large), LMA, GLC/AR/BR/19/3339; information on CWS board minutes from Lynn Pearson; <em>Architectural Review</em>, 24 May 1933, p. 692.</p>\n\n<p>[^16]: LMA, DSR serial no. 1936.1338-48.</p>\n\n<p>[^17]: <em>London Branch of the CWS, </em>1933, pp. 24, 31.</p>\n\n<p>[^18]: <em>Ibid</em>.</p>\n\n<p>[^19]: <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 21.</p>\n\n<p>[^20]: <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 27.</p>\n\n<p>[^21]: <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 22.</p>\n\n<p>[^22]: LMA, DSR serial no. 1931.1281; CWS property plan, 1934, LMA, GLC/AR/BR/17/077326/02.</p>\n\n<p>[^23]: <em>London Branch of the CWS</em>, 1933, p. 31.</p>\n\n<p>[^24]: ‘Sunshine in London: East and West by a Wheatsheaf Observer’, <em>The Wheatsheaf</em>, February 1930, p. 23.</p>\n\n<p>[^25]: ‘Manchester’s Splendid new Service Centre’, <em>The Producer</em>, November 1939, p. 326.</p>\n\n<p>[^26]: <em>London Branch of the CWS</em>, 1933, p. 23.</p>\n\n<p>[^27]: Correspondence in THLHLA, Building control file, 22378, 110 &amp; 1–7 Prescot Street. </p>\n\n<p>[^28]: Photograph, 1973, LMA, SC/PHL/01/392/73/10920.</p>\n\n<p>[^29]: THLHLA, Building control file, 22378, 110 &amp; 1–7 Prescot Street.</p>\n\n<p>[^30]: 110–20 Leman Street plans (large), 1929, LMA, GLC/AR/BR/19/3339.</p>\n\n<p>[^31]: <em>Ibid</em>; Photograph, 1973, LMA, SC/PHL/01/392/73/10920.</p>\n\n<p>[^32]: <em>London Branch of the CWS</em>, 1933, pp. 15, 21; LMA, GLC/AR/BR/19/3339.</p>\n\n<p>[^33]: THLHLA, Building control file, 22378, 110 &amp; 1–7 Prescot Street.</p>\n\n<p>[^34]: THLHLA, Building control file, 23212, 1 Prescot Street.</p>\n\n<p>[^35]: THLHLA, Building control files, 22378, 110 &amp; 1–7 Prescot Street and 23212, 1 Prescot Street.</p>\n\n<p>[^36]: Minutes of meeting with District Surveyor, 1996, THLHLA, Building Control file, 26731, 1 Prescot Street. </p>\n\n<p>[^37]: THLHLA, Building control file, 22378, 110 &amp; 1–7 Prescot Street. </p>\n\n<p>[^38]: Proposed refurbishment by IKA Design and Management, 1995, THLHLA, Building control file, 26731, 1 Prescot Street; Tower Hamlets planning applications online, Listed Building Consent (S8 P&amp;LBC 1990), 1996.</p>\n\n<p>[^39]: Tower Hamlets planning applications online, WP/96/00217, 1996.</p>\n\n<p>[^40]: THLHLA, Building control file 26731, 1 Prescot Street.</p>\n",
            "created": "2019-03-29",
            "last_edited": "2019-05-16"
        },
        {
            "id": 840,
            "title": "Dock Street's widening in 1845–6",
            "author": {
                "id": 2,
                "username": "surveyoflondon"
            },
            "feature": {
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                "properties": {
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                    "b_name": "St Paul's Church",
                    "street": "Dock Street",
                    "address": "Former Church of St Paul, Dock Street",
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            "body": "<p>The widening of Dock Street in 1845–6 was a governmental ‘metropolitan improvement’ closely connected to the formation of Commercial Street. Linked by Leman Street, also widened at both ends, these road improvements were undertaken together by the Commissioners of Woods, Forests, Land Revenues, Works and Buildings to improve communications between the London Docks and the Eastern Counties Railway, incorporated in 1836 and with a terminus at Shoreditch from 1840. James Pennethorne was appointed in 1839 to be the Commissioners’ architect and surveyor responsible for these and other new streets, working jointly with Thomas Chawner, who retired in 1845. </p>\n\n<p>Following a suggestion put to a select committee in 1836 by Lt.-Col. John Castle Gant, chairman of the Tower Hamlets Commissioners of Sewers, a plan for a road initially intended to relieve congestion around Aldgate was extended to link the docks to the as yet unbuilt railway via Leman Street. Two years later a deputation from Whitechapel parish presented details for the line, explaining that twenty-five houses would need to be cleared from the east side of Dock Street, then only 15–17ft wide. Acts of Parliament in 1839 to 1841 (2&amp;3 Vic. c.80, 3&amp;4 Vic. c.87 and 4 Vic. c.12) provided funds derived from duties on coal and wine for the formation of the new 55ft-wide thoroughfare from the London Docks as far north as Christ Church Spitalfields. The net cost of the Dock Street section was assessed as £35,783 15 8.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>A want of ready money postponed property purchases to 1842–4, Clearance, including of soap and soda-water factories in what had been sugarhouses, and pavement formation followed in 1845–6, vaults being formed to Pennethorne’s plans by John and Charles I’Anson, Fitzroy Square builders. The new frontage plots were auctioned off, but St Paul’s Church and its parsonage excepted they were slow to be taken. The north corner was built up in 1853–4, otherwise nothing happened until the 1860s by when freeholds were sold as an added inducement.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>A drinking fountain in the middle of the Dock Street–Leman Street junction was perhaps part of the 1840s improvements. Dilapidated, it was replaced in granite in 1879 in memory of Sir Francis Goldsmid MP, then removed in the 1930s.[^3] </p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), THCS/057: <em>Report from the Select Committee on Metropolis Improvements</em>, 1836, pp. 43–4: <em>Second Report from Select Committee on Metropolis Improvements</em>, 1838, pp. viii, 95–8: <em>First Report from Select Committee on Metropolis Improvement</em>, 1840, pp. 7,9,17–24,53: The National Archives (TNA), WORK, 6/99, pp. 6,19: <em>Oxford Dictionary of National Biography </em>for Pennethorne</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: TNA, CRES60/5–6; WORK6/93–4: LMA, SC/PM/ST/01/002: <em>Illustrated London News</em>, 4 Oct 1845, p .215 </p>\n\n<p>[^3]: <em>The Builder</em>, 12 Oct. 1878, p. 1071: <em>Morning Post</em>, 19 June 1879, p. 5: Ordnance Survey maps</p>\n",
            "created": "2019-03-01",
            "last_edited": "2019-08-13"
        },
        {
            "id": 327,
            "title": "22 Osborn Street",
            "author": {
                "id": 2,
                "username": "surveyoflondon"
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                "properties": {
                    "b_number": "22",
                    "b_name": "",
                    "street": "Osborn Street",
                    "address": "22 Osborn Street",
                    "feature_type": "WHITECHAPEL_BUILDING",
                    "count": 2
                }
            },
            "body": "<p>Osborn Street was not yet fully built up in the 1790s when a courthouse was built on the site of Nos 22–24. Osborn Street’s Court of Requests for Tower Hamlets, a small claims court, may have been a successor to use of the manorial court in the north-east of the parish (at the top of Court Street), the move likely prompted by the reformation of magistracy brought about by the Middlesex Justices Act of 1792. The County Court Act of 1846 abolished courts of requests, but these premises continued to be used for Whitechapel County Court into the 1850s. From 1908 there was a cinema on the site of No. 22. There was redevelopment after war damage in 1955–7 for light industrial use. The building now accommodates offices over an Asian restaurant.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Richard Horwood's map, 1813: Ordnance Survey map, 1873: Post Office Directories: Tower Hamlets planning applications online</p>\n",
            "created": "2017-03-30",
            "last_edited": "2017-10-19"
        },
        {
            "id": 800,
            "title": "George Yard Buildings and St George's House",
            "author": {
                "id": 2,
                "username": "surveyoflondon"
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            "feature": {
                "id": 382,
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                "properties": {
                    "b_number": "10",
                    "b_name": "Sunley House",
                    "street": "Gunthorpe Street",
                    "address": "Sunley House, 10 Gunthorpe Street",
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            "body": "<p>George Yard Buildings (later called Balliol House and later still Charles Booth House), which was demolished for the building of Sunley House, was one of the earliest blocks of model dwellings built in Whitechapel in response to the 1875 Artizans and Labourers’ Dwellings Improvement Act. The Act, instituted by the Home Secretary R.A. Cross, who Samuel Barnett of Toynbee Hall had previously shown around the Whitechapel slums, and based partly on a housing report by the Charity Organisation Society, of which Barnett was a founder, had allowed for compulsory purchase of slum property by the local authorities. But designation of an area for slum clearance could, as Lord Shaftesbury predicted, have deleterious consequences, a view with which Barnett concurred: ‘The expectancy of early removal makes landlords unwilling to spend money on necessary repairs, and tenants unwell, by leaving, to miss the chance of compensation’.[^1]  One answer was that taken by Octavia Hill from the mid-1860s of improving and running existing property. The Barnetts were involved in this in Whitechapel immediately, aided and abetted by Whitechapel’s Medical Officer of Health, John Liddle, who until the Cross Act, could only highlight the squalor of courts where ‘each inhabitant has only four yards of space, and from which fever is never absent’, and condemn them as unfit for habitation.[^2] </p>\n\n<p>With Octavia Hill’s encouragement and half the cost from Edward Bond, later chair of the Technical Education Board and later developer of <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/1696/detail/\">Katharine Buildings</a> in Cartwright Street, they had acquired the surviving slum houses in New Court, which led off George Yard (Gunthorpe Street), mainly occupied by ‘women living shameful lives from whom large rents were demanded by a disreputable man’, offering the tenants ‘a chance to reform’ before being evicted, and renovated the remaining housing pending redevelopment.[^3] Similar low-key schemes of renovation were pursued in 1875-6 in 3 and 4 Angel Alley and 92-94 Wentworth Street (near the west corner of George Yard, both on the site of the <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/364/detail/\">Dellow Centre</a>), also paid for by Bond and 1 and 2 and 5 to 8 inclusive Angel Alley and 75-83 Wentworth Street (east of Angel Alley, on the site of <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/365/detail/\">Universal House</a>), paid for by the Earl of Pembroke.</p>\n\n<p>The Barnetts’ friend and Charity Organisation Society associate, Augustus George Crowder (1843-1924), executed a more ambitious scheme in building George Yard Buildings, a block of model dwellings on the site of a timber yard at the northwest end, adjoining west the slum-like New Court.[^4] George Yard Buildings was a four-storey block of 47 flats, in a simple, muscular red-brick Gothic, with ground-floor shops, and a bold rubbed-brick two-centred arched main entrance through to staircase and rear access balconies and a large single-storey annexe for a club-room and mothers’ meetings. All these endeavours, supervised by ‘lady rent collectors’ on Octavia Hill lines, sought to solve the apparently insoluble problem of how to house the poorest class. Rents were kept low: the average rent across all these new and renovated properties was 3s a week, a rate lower than even the Peabody Trust could achieve. Such a rate, however, was unlikely to make the model widely replicable as it was hard to achieve the five per cent return sought by investors, and the Olivia Hill model, with its intense supervision of behaviour and requirement that rent be paid on time in advance, was both labour-intensive and unsuited to casual labourers, who made up a high proportion of the poor in Whitechapel.[^5] </p>\n\n<p>It was also no solution to the issue of overcrowding: all but three of the George Yard Buildings flats were single-room (which, given that towards the end of its existence the block accommodated 200 individuals, suggests that overcrowding was still an issue), and Barnett admitted, in evidence to the 1882 Committee on Artisans’ Dwellings, apropos the houses in Wentworth Street he managed for Lord Pembroke, that there were seven living in one room: ‘It is not what one wants; it is better than living, as they did before, on a hovel’.[^6] C Not surprisingly, perhaps, those, such as A.G. Crowder, who had taken on the task of housing the poorest, were becoming jaded with the enterprise: ‘For several years the practice was not to disturb any tenant who paid his rent, with the result that I became literally ashamed with the state of my property though managed by experienced and judicious ladies, visiting weekly. The vicious, dirty and destructive habits of the lowest strata have obliged me at last to decline them as tenants’. He also saw the necessity of allowing single-room occupancy by families if the very poor were to be accommodated: ‘It is astonishing what comparative decency and comfort is attainable in one room when the wife is capable and cleanly’.[^7] </p>\n\n<p>In 1889 George Yard Buildings was closed. The reason given by Crowder was that there was now ‘ample opportunity in neighbouring buildings’ (the vast blocks in <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/359/detail/\">Goulston Street</a> and the East End Dwellings Company’s blocks north of Wentworth Street) for the tenants to find better accommodation. Unlets had amounted to £60 a year though a further factor may have been the brutal murder of a woman named Martha Tabram or Turner in August 1888, possibly the first of Jack the Ripper’s victims, whose body was found on one of the landings at George Yard Buildings.</p>\n\n<p>In 1889-90 George Yard Buildings was converted into Balliol House a student hostel along the same lines as Wadham House, the former mothers’ meeting room altered as a common room in 1891.[^8] Together, the buildings formed a sort of secondary quad, with the tennis court, behind Toynbee Hall.</p>\n\n<p>Some of Barnett’s aims never came to be fulfilled. The occupancy of Balliol and Wadham Houses was increasingly middle-class – according to William Beveridge, who lived there from 1903 to 1906, ‘the artisan is conspicuous by his absence’ - and the commitment to ‘the goal of connection’ was limited to fewer and fewer, as students preferred to commute from more congenial areas of London. Balliol House closed in 1913 and Wadham House a few years later.[^9] In 1922 Balliol House was converted into offices for the Charity Organisation Society and various children's charities, and renamed Charles Booth House, after the great social investigator.[^10] It was demolished in 1973 for the building of Sunley House.</p>\n\n<p><img alt=\"\" src=\"/media/uploads/2018/12/14/balliol-and-wadham-houses.JPG\">Charles Booth House (right) and beyond it St George's House, early 1970s. Photograph ©  Ron McCormick</p>\n\n<h2>St George's House</h2>\n\n<p>A similar four-storey red brick block of forty model dwellings, but one which lasted longer, was St George’s House, built adjoining George Yard Buildings to the south by J. Morter, builder of Forest Lane, Stratford, for Barnett’s friend G. Murray Smith, and his family in 1883. It was still offering accommodation from only 3s 6d per week just before the First World War.[^11] After the war, under the London County Council, it was scheduled for clearance as substandard, though it was only c. 1968, under the new London-wide authority, the Greater London Council, that tenants were rehoused in the <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/382/detail/\">New Holland Estate</a> on Commercial Street. The building survived a few more years and, encouraged by the Warden of Toynbee Hall, Walter Birmingham, St George’s House housed various charities and campaigning groups, including the Community Service Volunteers and the Commonwealth Students’ Children’s Society, until it was also demolished in 1973 for the building of Sunley House.[^12] </p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Henrietta Barnett, <em>Canon Barnett: His Life, Work, and Friends</em>, 2 vols, London, 1918, vol. 1, pp. 129-30 (<em>Canon Barnett</em>)</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol. 1, p. 129</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol. 1, p. 141: Land Tax returns</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: Ancestry: <em>Canon Barnett</em>, vol. 1, pp. 131-2</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: Gareth Stedman Jones, <em>Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship Between Classes in Victorian Society</em>, 2013, pp. 181-96</p>\n\n<p>[^6]: Charles Foster Hayward, <em>Dwellings of the Poor</em>, London 1877, p. 38: T. L. Worthington, <em>The Housing of the Poor in London</em>, London 1895, p. 19: Stedman Jones, op. cit, p. 195</p>\n\n<p>[^7]: <em>Pall Mall Gazette</em>, 1 Nov 1883, p. 11</p>\n\n<p>[^8]: Asa Briggs and Anne Macartney, <em>Toynbee Hall: The First Hundred Years</em>, London 1984, pp. 30, 49-50, 54: DSR: <em>Pall Mall Gazette</em>, 17 Jan 1890, p. 6: Standish Meacham, <em>Toynbee Hall and Social Reform</em>, 1880-1914, New Haven and London, 1987, pp. 48-9</p>\n\n<p>[^9]: Meacham, op. cit., pp. 122-3: Briggs and Macartney, op. cit., pp. 49-50</p>\n\n<p>[^10]: Post Office Directories</p>\n\n<p>[^11]: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), Dictrict Surveyors's Returns (DSR): The National Archives (TNA), IR58/84795/1260-99: <em>East London Observer</em> (<em>ELO</em>), 5 Jan 1884, p. 8; 21 April 1888, p. 3</p>\n\n<p>[^12]: Briggs and Macartney, op. cit., pp. 163-4: Tower Hamlets planning applications online: LMA, GLC/MA/SC/02/327: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, L/THL/D/1/3/1</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
            "created": "2018-12-14",
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                "properties": {
                    "b_number": "10",
                    "b_name": "Sunley House",
                    "street": "Gunthorpe Street",
                    "address": "Sunley House, 10 Gunthorpe Street",
                    "feature_type": "WHITECHAPEL_BUILDING",
                    "count": 5
                }
            },
            "body": "<p>Sunley House, a red brick three- and four-storey block, was opened in 1976 on the site of  Charles Booth House and St George’s House (see below). It was part of a scheme of redevelopment by Toynbee Hall, which included <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/377/detail/\">Attlee House</a> on Wentworth Street, opened in 1971, and was in a similarly ‘respectful but dull’ manner, also by David Maney &amp; Partners, architects. Its deep north section linked via a staircase tower to a shallow white-tiled lower office block behind the Toynbee Theatre. Sunley House incorporated a vehicle entry through to Toynbee Hall, a goods lift, a basement car park, eighteen flats for the elderly, and the Special Families Centre for the Mentally Handicapped, consisting of an office, and two activities room of varying sizes.[^1] It was demolished in 2016 for the comprehensive <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/379/detail/#the-regeneration-of-toynbee-hall-and-its-estate-2013-19\">Toynbee Hall</a> and London Square redevelopment, and a block of flats named 'Broadway' is currently (December 2018) being built on the site.</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets planning applications online:  Asa Briggs and Anne Macartney, <em>Toynbee Hall: The First Hundred Years</em>, London 1984, p. 171: Bridget Cherry, Charles O’Brien, Nikolaus Pevsner, eds. <em>The Buildings of England: London 5 East</em>, London 2005, p.398: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, L/THL/D/1/3/1</p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
            "created": "2018-12-14",
            "last_edited": "2018-12-30"
        },
        {
            "id": 70,
            "title": "10-12 Whitechapel Road",
            "author": {
                "id": 2,
                "username": "surveyoflondon"
            },
            "feature": {
                "id": 146,
                "type": "Feature",
                "geometry": {
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                "properties": {
                    "b_number": "10",
                    "b_name": "",
                    "street": "Whitechapel Road",
                    "address": "10 Whitechapel Road",
                    "feature_type": "WHITECHAPEL_BUILDING",
                    "count": 4
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            },
            "body": "<p>This pair of houses may be datable to about 1770 when a larger frontage was said to be 'lately built'. The front wall was rebuilt or at least stucco-faced in the mid nineteenth century, when No. 12 housed plumbers, and No. 10 booksellers. Buck &amp; Hickman, tool-makers based on the Whitechapel Road-Adler Street corner, later took No. 12 and No. 10 was long a printer–stationer’s. The building was refronted again in stark red brick, probably around 1998. Interiors appear to have been comprehensively altered. [^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives, M/93/038, pp. 244-251; SC/PHL/01/405/767961–2: Post Office Directories: Tower Hamlets Planning</p>\n",
            "created": "2016-06-27",
            "last_edited": "2017-05-03"
        },
        {
            "id": 127,
            "title": "Historic England list description for 46-48 Ashfield Street",
            "author": {
                "id": 11,
                "username": "amysmith"
            },
            "feature": {
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                "properties": {
                    "b_number": "46",
                    "b_name": "",
                    "street": "Ashfield Street",
                    "address": "46 Ashfield Street",
                    "feature_type": "WHITECHAPEL_BUILDING",
                    "count": 2
                }
            },
            "body": "<p>Excerpt from Historic England list entry for 46-48 Ashfield Street (listed at Grade II):</p>\n\n<p>46-48 Ashfield Street. Pair of terraced houses. Mid 1820s. Stock brick with slate mansards, stone steps, cills and copings. Two storeys, basement and attics. EXTERIOR: each house two windows wide. Arched doorcases to right with six-panel doors beneath decorative fanlights. To left, 6/6-pane sash windows with gauged arches over recessed basement lights. Similar windows to first floor; upper part of front wall of No 46 has been rebuilt. Mansard storey is probably a later C19 addition. INTERIOR: not inspected. HISTORY: this part of Ashfield Street was originally called Rutland Street, and these houses formed part of the development of the lands of London Hospital. An Act of 1802 led to the construction of the Commercial Road, thereby opening up Mile End Old Town for development. Horwood's map of 1819 shows the site as undeveloped; they are shown on Crutchley's map of 1829. These fourth-rate houses are the best survivals along this length of the street.<br>\n<br>\nSOURCES: A. Kennedy-Clark, 'The London. A Study in the Voluntary Hospital System' (1962) I, 191-194.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Historic England, National Heritage List for England, list entry number: 1096070 (online:https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/the-list/list-entry/1096070, accessed 26 August 2016).</p>\n",
            "created": "2016-08-26",
            "last_edited": "2016-08-26"
        },
        {
            "id": 54,
            "title": "Whitechapel Fire Station",
            "author": {
                "id": 2,
                "username": "surveyoflondon"
            },
            "feature": {
                "id": 101,
                "type": "Feature",
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                "properties": {
                    "b_number": "",
                    "b_name": "Whitechapel Fire Station",
                    "street": "Manningtree Street",
                    "address": "Whitechapel Fire Station, Manningtree Street",
                    "feature_type": "WHITECHAPEL_BUILDING",
                    "count": 9
                }
            },
            "body": "<p>Built in 1929–32, Whitechapel Fire Station is a rarity as an inter-war London County Council fire station still serving its original purpose. Its origins are earlier.</p>\n\n<p>In the extension of Commercial Road westwards through Whitechapel the Metropolitan Board of Works held on to the triangular site that had been formed from clearance of the south side of the east end of Colchester Street. In late 1872 it decided to build here to replace humble fire stations on Church Lane and in Wellclose Square with a ‘chief’ facility. The site’s first fire station was built in 1874–5 with George Vulliamy as architect, Thomas Stimpson &amp; Co. as builder. It was a lively four-storey building that made the most of its western corner with a rounded turret. The watch-room was at its base, with the engine room opening onto the new road. Beyond there was a large open yard with stables at the back. A superintendent was accommodated on the first floor; above there were rooms for twelve firemen (six married and six single) and a coachman. The station had four horses and three fire engines. As was general, the size of the engine-room doors became a problem. A new engine house, probably designed by Robert Pearsall, was built on the yard in 1899–1900, B. E. Nightingale its builder. Adaptation for the replacement of horses with motor-driven appliances in 1911 included repaving the new appliance room. [^1]</p>\n\n<p><img alt=\"\" src=\"/media/uploads/2017/12/06/fire-station-plans.jpg\"><em>Whitechapel Fire Station, ground- and first-floor plans as in 1975 (drawing by Helen Jones)</em></p>\n\n<p>With two appliance rooms separated by a too-small yard this was an unwieldy complex. The LCC decided to replace it in 1928 when G. Topham Forrest was in charge of the Council’s architects. L. H. &amp; R. Roberts of Clapton were the builders. Rational in its layout, five appliance bays open onto Commercial Road under two storeys of accommodation; again a yard lies to the east. Faced in brown Stourbridge brick, this building is remarkably austere, simplicity that antedates economic hard times and is almost expressionist in the subtlety of its detailing, with chamfered brick courses and arrises, for an architecture close to that produced by Gilbert Mackenzie Trench for the Metropolitan Police in 1928–30 at Charles Rowan House in Finsbury, both anticipating similar work by Giles Gilbert Scott. Bondings, mitres and rubbings were carefully specified. The yard was enlarged up to White Church Lane. In 1938–9 in the build-up to war 351 auxiliary firemen were based at the station for training and accommodated in nearby properties, and steel joists went into ceilings as air-raid protection. A post-war relocation as part of the Gardiner’s Corner project failed to materialize. Instead internal spaces were adapted in 1979, converting flats for a modernised watch-room. Further upper-storey accommodation was given up in the 1990s and the appliance bay doors were replaced in 2000. [^2]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Metropolitan Board of Works Minutes, 4 Oct. and 1 Nov. 1872, pp. 344 and 478; 16 Jan., 17 April and 15 May 1874, pp. 98, 465, 597; 16 July 1875, p. 97; 21 Oct. 1881, p. 517: District Surveyors Returns: <em>The Builder</em>, 14 Aug. 1875, pp. 733, 735: London Metropolitan Archives, LCC/CO/CON/02/2404; Collage 213448 and 213476: London County Council Minutes, 16 May 1911, p.1230</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: District Surveyors Returns: London County Council Minutes, 24 July 1928, p.219; 29 Oct. 1929, p.479; 31 Oct. 1933, p.396: London Metropolitan Archives, LCC/AR/CON/02/2460; LCC/CL/FB/01/103; GLC/AR/SW/04/002: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, L/THL/D/1/1/255: Tower Hamlets Planning</p>\n",
            "created": "2016-06-22",
            "last_edited": "2017-12-06"
        },
        {
            "id": 43,
            "title": "5-9 White Church Lane",
            "author": {
                "id": 2,
                "username": "surveyoflondon"
            },
            "feature": {
                "id": 139,
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                "properties": {
                    "b_number": "5-9",
                    "b_name": "",
                    "street": "White Church Lane",
                    "address": "5-9 White Church Lane",
                    "feature_type": "WHITECHAPEL_BUILDING",
                    "count": 1
                }
            },
            "body": "<p>This large four-storey red-brick clothing factory of 1919-21 was built by and for B. Levine, a shopfitter of Greenfield Street, with A. S. R. Ley as architect. A wholesale hosier, costume makers and a woollen merchant were accommodated above insurance offices. The building was raised and its upper storeys converted to flats in 1999–2000.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: District Surveyors Returns: Post Office Directories: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Building Control file 41965: Tower Hamlets Planning</p>\n",
            "created": "2016-06-20",
            "last_edited": "2016-10-20"
        },
        {
            "id": 348,
            "title": "Browne & Eagle Warehouse at 22-26 Leman Street, 1869-1956",
            "author": {
                "id": 2,
                "username": "surveyoflondon"
            },
            "feature": {
                "id": 31,
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                "properties": {
                    "b_number": "1",
                    "b_name": "Maersk House",
                    "street": "Braham Street",
                    "address": "Maersk House (formerly Beagle House), 1 Braham Street",
                    "feature_type": "WHITECHAPEL_BUILDING",
                    "count": 19
                }
            },
            "body": "<p>On this site a five-storey warehouse was built in 1869 by Holland and Hannen for Browne &amp; Eagle, local wool merchants. Conveniently situated to receive goods from the docks and two nearby railway depots (Haydon’s Square, Minories, and later the Tilbury extension), the building was one of the first in a series of warehouses purpose-built for the firm in East London. Its form was to prove typical of other wool warehouses in Whitechapel of which only a couple remain today, see for example Loom House at 101 Back Church Lane. Unadorned brick elevations were punctuated by large windows and loophole bays, which, alongside wall-mounted cranes, allowed for the haulage of goods to and from every floor. This site was especially suitable because of frontages to Leman Street and Camperdown Street (formerly Duncan Street), as well as to Braham Street (formerly Nelson and then Beagle Street) and a narrower passageway spanning between Camperdown and Braham Street, both of which had been made private to provide exclusive access to the warehouse’s west and north elevations. The west end of Braham Street was blocked for many decades by Pickford’s White Swan Yard depot. The footprint of Browne &amp; Eagle’s warehouse was large and Holland and Hannen were caught out in relation to its height (see figure 1). Having originally constructed a seven-storey warehouse, the building firm was convicted by Thames Police Court for exceeding the limits of the approved cubical area for such buildings as allowed by the Building Act and forced to take down the upper two floors. Accommodation expanded to include a further warehouse, veterinary forge and house on the north side of Braham Street. The farriers and house occupied the east end of the street, whilst the long narrow wool warehouse the west half. This warehouse, again built by Holland and Hannen, was linked to the southern warehouse by an iron bridge 25ft above the street. By 1878 the company also held warehouses at Haydon Street, Minories, Hooper Square, Alie Street and Back Church Lane, the latter two also built by Holland and Hannen in 1875-6 and 1889-1890 respectively. Premises at Durward Street had been added to the collection by the time the business changed hands in 1896. Although no longer associated to the Browne or Eagle families, the original company name was retained. ‘Beagle’ reportedly a derivation from ‘Browne &amp; Eagle’, the firm’s long-running occupation of the site having been acknowledged when Nelson Street had been renamed Beagle Street in 1893. Only on its widening in the mid-1960s did it become the western extension of Braham Street.[^1] </p>\n\n<p><img alt=\"\" src=\"/media/uploads/2017/04/12/os-1897.JPG\"></p>\n\n<p><em>Figure 1: OS Map of 1890s showing footprint of Browne &amp; Eagle's warehouse</em></p>\n\n<p>Partial rebuilding of the northern Braham Street warehouse was undertaken in 1923 by Walter Gladding &amp; Co. of 188 Whitechapel Road. However this building was destroyed by a high explosive bomb less than twenty years later in April 1941. It seems that the damage extended to two four-storey houses with shops (nos 18 and 20 Leman Street) and the Baker &amp; Basket public house (no. 16 Leman Street) all at the north-east corner of the Braham Street, Leman Street, Camperdown Street block, and around which the Browne &amp; Eagle warehouses were wrapped. In 1943 the surviving southern warehouse was requisitioned for use by the US army and returned to the company in July 1945. By the 1930s Browne &amp; Eagle held a further four terraced houses on Alie Street (nos 9, 11, 13 and 15) which were occupied during the war by rent controlled tenants. The company was also in possession of the single-storey shed at 12 to 14 Camperdown Street which had been parcelled with Pickford’s goods depot and was most likely used for vehicle storage. In 1939 Browne &amp; Eagle were refused permission to set up a slaughterhouse there but by 1945 one was in operation.[^2]  </p>\n\n<p>[^1]: PoDs 1878, 1892; MBW, 10 Dec 1869, 7 Jan 1870; <em>London Evening Standard</em>, 26 Feb 1896; DSRs; LMA, MBW/BA/24596</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: DSRs; Southwark Local History Library and Archive (SLHLA), A119/138, A119/24</p>\n",
            "created": "2017-04-10",
            "last_edited": "2018-04-16"
        }
    ]
}