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"id": 786,
"title": "From Graces Alley to Cable Street",
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"body": "<p>The alley from the north-west corner of Marine Square was first called Boat Alley in 1683. Felix Calverd, a brewer, tax farmer and Fire Office trustee associate of Nicholas Barbon (who undertook the development of Wellclose Square), was then assigned the superior interest of the frontages. Leases were given to Francis Hooper for the east end of the north side, Charles Armistead, west end of the north side, and William Blackwell, south side. Building work was doubtless slow to get underway, but in early 1694 Calverd was taxed for eight empty houses at Well Close. George Jackson, a City bricklayer, built at least two 14ft-frontage houses on the alley’s south side in 1694–5 under a lease from Calverd to Edward Wright, a Clerkenwell glazier.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>By 1720, with its frontages fully built up with ten houses on each side, Boat Alley had come to be known as Graces Alley, a reference to the former abbey of St Mary Grace that had stood on the site later occupied by the Royal Mint. Next to Wellclose Square on the north side at 1 Graces Alley was the George Prince of Denmark’s Head, or Prince of Denmark public house, the name a nod to the square’s Danish church and occupancy – Prince George of Denmark and Norway, Queen Anne’s husband, died in 1708. This pub was part of Hooper’s block of ten houses which passed to Benjamin Collyer, a Surrey merchant. In 1732 John Harper, a citizen needlemaker, was given a new lease of the whole row on the north side of Graces Alley to run to 1805. Soon thereafter Collyer was obliged to sell and by the 1770s part of a larger property, which also included fifteen houses along the south side of Cable Street, was divided in the ownerships of Edmund Probyn, William Coward and the Duke of Bridgewater. Leases were co-ordinated to fall in together in 1805.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>John Yarrem, a silversmith and hardware dealer or toyman, was at 4 Graces Alley by 1760. In the years around 1800, Benjamin Abrahams, a slop (clothing) seller, was at No. 2 and George Holding, a confectioner at No. 3. In December 1807 Probyn, the Earl of Bridgewater and Ann Jemima Wroughton issued new leases for the unusual term of 46 years; it is not clear that rebuilding was expected. William Marsh, a publican, took 1–2 Graces Alley, the former continuing as the Prince of Denmark. Holding and Yarrem’s son, also John, continued respectively at Nos 3 and 4, which appear both, like the alley’s other houses, to have been two full rooms deep at this juncture.[^3]</p>\n\n<p>Shop use was general along both sides of the alley through the nineteenth century. After many years as an empty site, 7–8 Graces Alley were rebuilt in 1897–8. The American Stores beer house was at No. 10 in the decades either side of 1900, and the Royal Standard public house was at the west end of the south side, on the Well (Ensign) Street corner.[^4]</p>\n\n<p>Up to the 1960s the stretch of Cable Street immediately north between Well Street and Fletcher Street had a row of around twenty early- and mid-nineteenth-century three-storey shophouses, which included the Bricklayers’ Arms at No. 26, and the Admiral Blakeney’s Head at No. 56 on the Fletcher Street corner. When general clearance of Graces Alley and both sides of this stretch of Cable Street was programmed in the early 1960s, the houses on the south side of the alley had already been demolished. Particular complaints were made about an unlicensed club at 7–8 Graces Alley, owned by George Gavrilides and frequented by ‘coloured men’. Clearance of all but 1–4 Graces Alley and what had been Wilton’s Music Hall ensued by 1968.[^5] </p>\n\n<p>[^1]: John M. Sims, ‘The Trust Lands of the Fire Office’, <em>The Guildhall Miscellany</em>, vol. 4/no. 2, April 1972, pp. 88–113, at p.109: London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), COL/CHD/LA/03/040/007; CLC/521/MS00922: Patricia Richardson, <em>Felix Calvert & Company, a Capital Brewing Family</em>, 2015.</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: LMA, Q/KAS/006: Huntington Library, MSS EL10389, EL10432–3: <em>London Gazette</em>, 12 Jan. 1739: Carole Zeidman, ‘Wilton’s, a history of the hall and houses’, 2015, pp. 9–11.</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: LMA, Land Tax returns; MDR/1808/8/498–504; CLC/B/192/F/001/MS11936/338/522512; 397/628656; 400/630603: information kindly supplied by Frank Kelsall.</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: LMA, District Surveyors Returns: Ordnance Survey maps: London County Council Minutes, 15 March 1898, p.205: Post Office Directories (POD): Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, P/RUC/1/14; P/MIS/15/1/3; The National Archives (TNA), IR58/84827/4475–90.</p>\n\n<p>[^5]: POD: LMA, GLC/MA/SC/03/1477–9; GLC/DG/EL/03/G017: TNA, IR58/84822/3962–83.</p>\n",
"created": "2018-12-07",
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"title": "Visiting Wilton's",
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"body": "<p>Some years ago I was taking a mixed group of American second year historic preservation and theatre students on a full day tour of old London theatres, back stage and front of house, finishing with Wilton’s – then dark, silent and colder than the world outside. </p>\n\n<p>On arrival it began to rain and no one had appeared to unlock the door. The sophomores (yay!) were tired and hungry and I began to fear an uprising, but eventually the key arrived and we assembled, standing in the hall in a grey light and I began to explain the place to them. One of the girls quietly slipped away and a minute later she was on the dark stage, dancing, unaware of the rest of us. I don’t know what music she could hear in her head, but it must have been beautiful. It was a wonderful, fragile, unforgettable sight. </p>\n\n<p>Nobody seemed to be taking any notice, but some sort of magic must have worked on the whole company. I had trouble getting them all together and back to the bus!</p>\n",
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"body": "<p>I left school in Summer 1977, and in the short period before finding a \"proper job\", this building was where I went to \"sign on\" to claim unemployment benefit. This was the time of the famous form UB40, a name adopted by the famous British 80s era Reggae band. Their debut album was called \"Signing off\" referring to the process of ending a claim for benefit.</p><p>The building had a large internal space, presumably to handle what I guess were large numbers of unemployed people in this part of the East End when it was first built in the 1930s. </p><p>My memories of that time, and what I felt then too, was that entering the building, joining the queue and signing on was as if you were being transported in a time machine back to that 30s depression era.</p><p>For me, it felt dehumanizing and impersonal. It was a tick-box process \"still looking for work?\" yep - tick. I was glad to escape it soon afterwards when I got a job in the Civil Service.</p>",
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"body": "<p>My memory of this place was before it had become allowed to become dilapidated, and in fact was quite well-cared for, if still (by the 1980s-1990s) a bit old-fashioned. The walls had extensive wooden panelling - think inter-war; quite light in effect - and above a high-level shelf round the walls was ranged an extensive collection of ceramic plates. It was extremely popular with off-duty Hospital staff; no criticism of them, but the consequent smoky fug (in those days) made it very unattractive to a non-smoker.</p>\n",
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"title": "Former Lord Rodney's Head public house, 285 Whitechapel Road",
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"body": "<p>By 1806 there was a pub at this address known as the Rodney’s Head. Admiral Lord Rodney had gained fame in 1782 and died in 1792. There were improvements to the rear in the 1820s. In 1853 Robert Elliott, the proprietor, added a back concert room that became a Music Hall called the (New) Prince’s Hall of Varieties. This comprised fourteen rows of seats either side of a gangway, for 160, with a balcony for 80 more, facing a small stage at the north end. Documentation for the rebuilding of the front has not been traced, but the façade has the appearance of coinciding with other works of the 1850s. It quaintly combines medievalising hoodmoulds, a Venetian Gothic glazing pattern, which once included intricately traceried window tympana, and more classical Italianate elements. There was also a ‘Club Room’, probably on the first floor, altered in 1855. In 1874 a new sixty-year lease was granted, but faced with MBW demands for improved egress, the Music Hall closed in 1885, its space given over to a recast public bar until 1900 when there was demolition to the rear for extension of the railway line. This remained a popular pub, listed among London’s best in 1989, until it was converted to be the Funky Munky in 2000. Closure followed in 2004 since when there has been shop use.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, P/PLL/2/1; Building Control file 17204: London Metropolitan Archives, Tower Hamlets Commissioners of Sewers ratebooks; District Surveyors returns; MR/L/MD/1390; GLC/AR/BR/07/3962: Roger Protz, <em>The Best Pubs in London</em>, 1989, pp. 78–9: information supplied by Stephen Harris</p>\n",
"created": "2017-11-14",
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{
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"title": "109 New Road",
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"body": "<p>No. 109 New Road<strong> </strong>has its origins as a three-storey and attic house of the 1790s, set back and narrow with its irregular south wall marking the boundary between the Turner and London Hospital estates. Thomas Ramplee, an early nineteenth-century occupant, had a cooperage to the rear. In place of that a three-storey bedding warehouse went up in 1884, only to be burnt out and rebuilt in 1890. The house was extended forward in 1932–3 to align with its neighbours and given a flat roof, this for Sam Cooper, a (textiles) ‘job buyer’ and shop-fitter, to plans by A. W. Amos & Son, architects, with J. Wood of Leytonstone and Leigh-on-Sea as builder. At the time of writing No. 109 houses a children’s clothing shop beneath a language school.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropoltan Archives, Tower Hamlets Commissioners of Sewers ratebooks, District Surveyors Returns: The National Archives, C13/2777/49: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Building Control files 41186–7: Post Office Directories</p>\n",
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"body": "<p>No. 111 New Road is a three-storey and attic house of the 1790s that was attached northwards to a warehouse occupied by Andrew Richards, a stonemason, in the early nineteenth century. Enoch Collinson, a carver and gilder, succeeded in the years either side of 1840. Louis Isaacs, a tailor’s cutter who later emigrated to America, was here in 1871, followed around 1880 by Levy Mondschein, an Austria-born furrier. A single-storey shop was pushed out to the front in 1916 for B. Levy, then the whole house was refronted on the forward building line in 1920–1 for David Goldstein, a tailor and ‘job buyer’, with A. H. Middleton as architect and G. E. Page of Forest Gate as builder. D. Goldstein (Fabrics) Ltd or Dee-Gee Fabrics, artificial silk and woollen manufacturers and exporters, continued here into the 1970s.[^1] Upper parts of the original back wall and a gambrel M-roof survive little altered. The premises have lately housed the Marrakech Café, not actually Moroccan.</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives, Tower Hamlets Commissioners of Sewers ratebooks; District Surveyors Returns: The National Archives, C13/2777/49: Post Office Directories: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Building Control files 41186–7: Census returns</p>\n",
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"title": "A visit to Riyad's Marrakech Cafe in early 2018",
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"body": "<p>This is an extract from a longer piece of observational writing undertaken in 2018 by Ruhel Ahmed, a first year architecture student at the University of Westminster:</p>\n\n<p>“There is no logic that can be superimposed on the city; people make it, and it is to them, not buildings, that we must fit our plans”. <em>Downtown is for the People</em>, Jane Jacobs (1958)</p>\n\n<p>The time is 5:42pm on a winter’s day and the temperature is near zero. It is reaching nightfall. Heading into Riyad’s Marrakech Café, a young girl, wearing a headscarf, holds the door open for me and smiles before she catches up with her family who had just left. Facing the street, through the large panes of glass, the clanking of silver cutlery can be heard behind me. The workers can be heard laughing hysterically behind the counter speaking in Arabic to one another. “I’m half Egyptian and half Moroccan” says a female voice behind me. As I glance back, a daughter can be seen speaking to her mother in sign language while the other chats with the waitress. The waitress politely asks for my order with a welcoming smile: a young Bengali girl perhaps working to fund her studies. The café, being lively and packed, means the door opens every thirty or so seconds with the sound of the cars’ engines outside, and the whooshing sound of the wind, growing and dying in rhythm with the door’s movement. Gazing out of the window, four large black bins labelled ‘COMMERCIAL WASTE ONLY’ lean against the brown brick wall on the building opposite. Some parts of the wall are covered with black boards which street artists to see as an opportunity to tag their names and make the street their canvas. The narrow yet busy two-way road is never seen empty. Parked cars line the street side closest to the café whilst other drivers squint at the yellow parking suspension sign attached to the lamppost, having just parked their car there. Boy-racers blast music through the sound systems of their blacked-out BMWs, Mercedes and Golfs. On the pavement a young Muslim lady pushes along her charcoal-black pushchair. Those escaping into the numbing weather protect themselves with fur-hooded coats, youngsters in their black puffer jackets and sagging jeans rush to get home from their colleges, a man carries his pink-clad baby girl in his arms, and students from the nearby secondary school struggle to carry their oversized black backpacks having left school late. A Deliveroo cyclist can be seen riding on the pavement heading towards Commercial Road and a couple of tourists look around in confusion in their coloured waterproofs and crammed backpacks. As the evening prayers finish, young teens and children travel home in their headscarves and religious clothing, more and more Muslims begin to emerge as they make their way to their next destination, bearded men carry their children and hold the hands of their little ones and Bangladeshi locals speak in their language to one another outside. Half of these people travel with their paper-blank faces as if following a routine normal to them. Others show more purpose, their heads held high, whilst some curiously look into the café to see if it’s worth eating in. As the daylight disappears so does the activity in the café and on the street. The deaf mother of the family behind me uses sign language to say goodbye to one of the café workers. And those finishing their tea prepare to leave the café.</p>\n\n<p>It is now 12:40pm the following day. The transition from rush hour on one day to lunch time on another is barely noticeable. The café is just as busy as workers come out for their lunch breaks needing to be fuelled for the rest of the day. The whooshing sound of the passing cars and wind is still recognisable as the door continues to open and close in a regular pattern. The presence of Bangladeshis and Muslims of different nationalities is still distinct as they laugh amongst each other with friends and family inside the café. Conversations are much louder now: so loud that spoken words and sentences throughout the café mix to become unified mumbles. The clanking of metal against plates is now more apparent and the jarring sound of glass hitting the table only shows us that everyone here is eating well whilst enjoying the company of one another. The daylight shining through the window has resurrected what couldn’t be seen or enjoyed in the dark, such as the view of the street outside and its endless activity. The diversity inside café turns it into a community hub where people of all races and religions come together, not just in the same building but also on the same table.</p>\n",
"created": "2018-05-24",
"last_edited": "2018-05-24"
},
{
"id": 485,
"title": "Colonial House (1942–c.1957)",
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"id": 2,
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"b_name": "Leman Locke",
"street": "Leman Street",
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"body": "<p><em>‘There is excellent provision both by official and voluntary funds for seamen on shore, but though hostels with fine premises exist in theory for “British seamen”, the colour bar is operative, and in these hostels there is no place for coloured colonials. The Colonial Office, as a token recognition of responsibility, has at Colonial House, Leman Street, sleeping accommodation for twelve men, and a recreation room used by others. This hostel is in charge of a Warden and his wife…’</em><a href=\"#_ftn1\">[^1]</a></p>\n\n<p>Requisitioned for use by the War Office soon after the outbreak of war, the former Mission School at 17 Leman Street became a hostel for Black seamen drawn from the British colonies. Many West Africans and West Indians had responded to the call to support the British war effort by joining the merchant navy and served in perilous situations at sea. Their arrival on British shores however posed its own difficulties. Those who found themselves in East London encountered underlying racial tension at London’s docks. Despite a proliferation of local seamen’s hostels, ‘coloured colonials’ were frequently turned away or were reticent to take up beds reserved for them, aware that their very presence might stir up trouble, as it had in the recent past.<a href=\"#_ftn2\">[^2]</a></p>\n\n<p>The Colonial Office hostel at Leman Street was intended for twelve men, whose stay was limited to three weeks on the basis that they were only temporary residents in England. Accommodation included a basement dining room and kitchen, a ground-floor common room and office, a large open dormitory, and a small adjoining bedroom. The self-contained second-floor flat was assigned to the hostel’s Warden.<a href=\"#_ftn3\">[^3]</a> Equipped with a billiard table and piano, the common room served an important social function, where, it was envisioned, ‘men can sit and talk’.<a href=\"#_ftn4\">[^4]</a> Yet, in its provision and organisation, the miniature hostel fell woefully short, dogged by problems from the beginning and especially after the end of the war. Three successive wardens failed to maintain order in the house as disorientated young men arriving at the hostel often struggled to find places on ships leaving the port, overstayed and grew restless. One local woman who ran an independent boarding house for Africans at 5 North-East Passage despaired at the lack of support given to these men, who arrived with little or no knowledge of the culture and institutional systems in England. Although intended only as a place of short-stays for ‘the floating population’, the hostel frequently housed teenage stowaways and those with longer-term ambitions to settle permanently in the country. She recalled, ‘The Colonial Office opened a house and you know what it was known as? It was known as the government gambling den. I used to laugh at that. They did nothing for the poor boys.’<a href=\"#_ftn5\">[^5]</a></p>\n\n<p>Much to the dismay of local activists such as Edith Ramsey and Father St John Beverley Groser, by 1946 inefficient management of the hostel had caused the Colonial Office to quietly close the hostel. With ‘the Coloured Question’ becoming a topic of some national debate, the London County Council recognised the need to house growing numbers of Afro-Caribbean men, and particularly seamen, who continued to arrive in the East End due to its industrial and riverside character. It held that responsibility to provide suitable hostels for this group lay firmly with the Colonial Office, which was eventually persuaded to continue to support the Leman Street hostel under the leadership of a committee with mixed institutional affiliations, including Ramsey and Groser.<a href=\"#_ftn6\">[^6]</a> After re-opening, discussions turned to consider the construction of a large purpose-built hostel. The bomb-damaged site of St Augustine’s on Settles Street was surveyed as was a property on Wellclose Square, but at the last minute the Colonial Office withdrew its support in a change of policy.<a href=\"#_ftn7\">[^7]</a> </p>\n\n<p>A further more decisive closure was announced in October 1949. The Colonial Office argued that it had ‘no authority to provide accommodation for colonials permanently resident in the UK and this was primarily a matter for local authorities.’ It noted that similar hostels in Manchester and Liverpool had closed with no trouble and that sufficient accommodation was available elsewhere for Black seamen. This proved to be a contentious and lamented decision, for the number of Afro-Caribbean settlers in Stepney continued to grow, especially in the area around Cable Street, where living conditions were cramped and difficult. In a show of support, the LCC facilitated the transferral of Colonial House into private management. On its release in 1949, the building was regarded as ‘large, old and structurally in good condition’ by local inspectors.<a href=\"#_ftn8\">[^8]</a> The hostel continued to operate for some years afterwards, partially administered through the London Council of Social Service.<a href=\"#_ftn9\">[^9]</a> By 1959 the building was used by H. Bellman & Sons Ltd, mantle manufacturers.<a href=\"#_ftn10\">[^10]</a></p>\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref1\">[^1]</a>: THLHLA, P/HAL/1, Memorandum sent by Father Groser, 1946 ; P/RAM/3/2/4</p>\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref2\">[^2]</a>: THLHLA, P/RAM/3; Black Cultural Archives, BANTON/1 </p>\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref3\">[^3]</a>: THLHLA, L/SMB/A/8/49, 13 Dec 1949, p. 179-8</p>\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref4\">[^4]</a>: THLHLA, P/HAL/1, Letter from Father Groser, 1945,</p>\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref5\">[^5]</a>: BCA, BCA/5/1/24, Interview with Kathleen Wrsama</p>\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref6\">[^6]</a>: THLHLA, L/SMB/A/8/49, 25 June 1946, p.142</p>\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref7\">[^7]</a>: BCA, BANTON/1/4/10; BANTON/1/3/1</p>\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref8\">[^8]</a>: THTHLA, L/SMB/A/8/49, 13 Dec 1949, p.179-8</p>\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref9\">[^9]</a>: BCA, BANTON/1/4/10; BANTON/1/3/1</p>\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref10\">[^10]</a>: POD 1959</p>\n",
"created": "2017-10-06",
"last_edited": "2020-10-23"
},
{
"id": 500,
"title": "3–9 Fulbourne Street",
"author": {
"id": 2,
"username": "surveyoflondon"
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"body": "<p>There were houses on this site and further along Greyhound Lane from the 1670s, with more building taking place in the 1720s. This group of four shophouses took its present form in 1878 on a 70-year lease to the Rev. B. Berlizer, the builders being Judd & Hawkings of York Street, Globe Road. There were rebuilding works at Nos 3–7 in 1921–2 and at No. 9 in 1936, and the group is now rendered.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives, MDR 1737/2/411; District Surveyors Retruns: Post Office Directories: The National Archives, IR58/84793/1019–22.</p>\n",
"created": "2017-11-17",
"last_edited": "2017-11-17"
},
{
"id": 91,
"title": "Whitechapel High Street in 1861",
"author": {
"id": 12,
"username": "amymilnesmith"
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"body": "<p>John Hollingshead,<em> Ragged London in 1861</em>, London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1861.</p>\n\n<p>\"There are many different degrees of social degradation and unavoidable poverty, even in the east. Whitechapel, properly so called, may not be the worst of the many districts in this quarter; but it is undoubtedly bad enough. Taking the broad road from Aldgate Church to old Whitechapel Church, a thoroughfare, in some parts, like the high street of an old-fashioned country town, you may pass on either side about twenty narrow avenues, leading to thousands of closely-packed nests, full to overflowing with dirt, and misery, and rags. Many living signs of the inner life behind the busy shops are always oozing out on to the pavements and into the gutters; for all children in low neighbourhoods that are not taken in by the ragged and other charity schools are always living in the streets: they eat in the streets what little they get to eat, they play in the streets in all weathers, and sometimes they have to sleep in the streets. Their fathers and mothers mope in cellars or garrets; their grandfathers or grandmothers huddle and die in the same miserable dustbins (for families, even unto the third and fourth generation, have often to keep together in these places), but the children dart about the roads with naked, muddy feet; slink into corners to play with oyster-shells and pieces of broken china, or are found tossing halfpennies under the arches of a railway. The local clergy, those who really throw themselves heart and soul into the labour of educating these outcasts, are daily pained by seeing one or more drop through into the great pit of crime; and by feeling that ragged schools are often of little good unless they can give food as well as instruction, and offer the children some kind of rude probationary home.\"</p>\n",
"created": "2016-07-17",
"last_edited": "2020-11-17"
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{
"id": 783,
"title": "69–71 Whitechapel High Street and 9 Whitechurch Passage",
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"id": 2,
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"body": "<p>A group of three three-storey eightenth-century brick shophouses stood at 69–71 Whitechapel High Street, replacing earlier timber buildings of which no evidence survives. In 1882–4 these were acquired for the building of the railway line from Aldgate to Whitechapel and the Metropolitan District Railway Company demolished No. 69, leaving the site open save at the rear on Spectacle Alley where it erected a tall brick ventilation tower, now 9 Whitechurch Passage. At basement level an air and smoke shaft ran from the underground railway platform through a brick barrel vault and under a girdered jack-arched ceiling into the tower. The party wall to No. 70 was rebuilt, keyed for a new façade at No. 69. The gap was not filled until 1908–11, following electrification of the line, when Bell & Co., builder–contractors, acquired and developed the site. Wolf Mackover, a woollen merchant from Warsaw in occupation of No. 70, took the lease of No. 69. The ventilation tower was converted in 1911, Ernest Lavender acting for Bell & Co. to make a four-storey building with inserted windows, floors and steep match-boarded stairs, seemingly first used by Max Spegelstein, a cigarette-box maker.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>No. 71 was cleared after Second World War bomb damage that extended further west. Even so, No. 70 housed Morris (Curley) and Rosie Kersch’s Curley’s Café, bombed out of Osborn Street, from 1942 to 1962. This is said to have been an inspiration for Arnold Wesker’s <em>Chips With Everything</em> (1962). No. 69 was substantially rebuilt in the early 1960s, No. 70 in 1966, for ‘fancy goods’ wholesaling in front of a textile warehouse in the rear block. The site of No. 71 remained empty through several development schemes until the present red-brick three-storey building was erected in 1983 as a warehouse–showroom block. It was soon converted to offices and then in 1998 to educational use; it now houses the City of London College. In 2005–10 Tom Reed, Mackover’s descendant, with Jan Kattein as his architect, refurbished and raised Nos 69–70 as flats over shops and 9 Whitechurch Passage as a house.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives, Collage 11140; SC/PHL/02/1193; District Surveyors Returns: Metropolitan Board of Works Minutes, 9 July 1869, p. 826: London County Council Minutes, 2 March 1909, p. 463; 28 March 1911, p. 819; 24 June 1913, p. 1498: The National Archives, IR58/84814–5/3198–3205: Post Office Directories (POD): information kindly supplied by Tom Reed]</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: POD: Tower Hamlets planning applications online: information kindly supplied by Rachel Lichtenstein and Tom Reed</p>\n",
"created": "2018-11-30",
"last_edited": "2020-11-19"
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{
"id": 734,
"title": "Charles Dickens at the Whitechapel penny gaff, 1851",
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"body": "<p>Charles Dickens records a visit to the 'penny gaff' in 'the wider part' of Whitechapel High Street, almost certainly this site:</p>\n\n<p>The 'gaff' throws out no plausible puffs, no mendacious placards, respecting the entertainment to be found therein. The public take the genuineness of the 'gaff' for granted, and enter by dozens. The 'gaff' has been a shop—a simple shop—with a back parlour to it, and has been converted into a hall of delight, by the very simple process of knocking out the shop front, and knocking down the partition between the shop and parlour. The gas-fittings yet remain, and even the original counters, which are converted into 'reserved seats', on which, for the outlay of twopence, as many costers, thieves... and young ladies, as can fight for a place, are sitting, standing, or lounging. For the common herd— <em>hoi polloi</em> —the <em>conditio vivendi</em> is simply the payment of one penny, for which they get standing rooms in what are somewhat vaguely termed the 'stalls', —plainly speaking, the body of the shop. The proscenium is marked by two gas 'battens' or pipes, perforated with holes for burners, traversing the room horizontally, above and below. There are some monstrous engravings, in vile frames, suspended from the walls, some vilely coloured plaster casts, and a stuffed monstrosity or two in glass cases. The place is abominably dirty, and the odour of the company generally, and of the shag tobacco they are smoking, is powerful.</p>\n\n<p>A capital house though, to-night: a bumper, indeed. Such a bumper, in fact, that they have been obliged to place benches on the stage (two planks on tressels), on which some of the candidates for the reserved seats are accommodated. As I enter, a gentleman in a fustian suit deliberately walks across the stage and lights his pipe at the footlights; while a neighbour of mine, of the Jewish persuasion, who smells fearfully of fried fish, dexterously throws a cotton handkerchief, containing some savoury condiment from the stalls to the reserved seats, where it is caught by a lady whom he addresses by the title of 'Bermondsey Bet'. Bet is, perhaps, a stranger in these parts, and my Hebrew friend wishes to show her that Whitechapel can assert its character for hospitality.</p>\n\n<p>Silence for the manager, if you please!—who comes forward with an elaborate bow, and a white hat in his hand, to address the audience. A slight disturbance has occurred, it appears, in the course of the evening; the Impresario complains bitterly of the 'mackinnations' of certain parties 'next door', who seek to injure him by creating an uproar, after he has gone to the expense of engaging 'four good actors' for the express amusement of the British public. The 'next door' parties are, it would seem, the proprietors of an adjacent public-house, who have sought to seduce away the supporters of the 'gaff', by vaunting the superior qualities of their cream gin, a cuckoo clock, and the 'largest cheroots in the world for a penny'.</p>\n\n<p>Order is restored, and the performances commence. 'Mr. and Mrs. Stitcher', a buffo duet of exquisite comicality, is announced. Mr. Stitcher is a tailor, attired in the recognised costume of a tailor on the stage, though, I must confess, I never saw it off. He has nankeen pantaloons, a red nightcap—a redder nose, and a cravat with enormous bows. Mrs. Stitcher is 'made up' to represent a slatternly shrew, and she looks it all over. They sing a verse apiece; they sing a verse together; they quarrel, fight, and make it up again. The audience are delighted. Mr. S. reproaches Mrs. S. with the possession of a private gin-bottle; Mrs. S. inveighs against the hideous turpitude of Mr. S. for pawning three pillow-cases to purchase beer. The audience are in ecstacies. A sturdy coalheaver in the 'stalls' slaps his thigh with delight. It is so real. Ugh! terribly real; let us come away, even though murmurs run through the stalls that 'The Baker's Shop' is to be sung. I see, as we edge away to the door, a young lady in a cotton velvet spencer, bare arms, and a short white calico skirt, advance to the footlights. I suppose she is the Fornarina, who is to enchant the dilettanti with the flowery song in question. </p>\n\n<p>Charles Dickens, from 'Down Whitechapel Way', in <em>Household Words</em>, 1 Nov 1851, p. 129</p>\n",
"created": "2018-10-04",
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"body": "<p>I lived in Spelman House from October 2016 to April 2017. The area around Brick Lane is incredibly lively and multicultural. The buildings around have human scale and there is an enjoyable transition between the confusion of Liverpool Street Station and the peaceful atmosphere of the neighbourhood. From my flat I had an amazing view of the skyscrapers of London. </p>\n",
"created": "2018-01-27",
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"id": 576,
"title": "Noorul Islam's life in Whitechapel",
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"body": "<p>Noorul Islam came to Whitechapel in 1974 and spent his working life in the textile industry in and around the area. He has lived on New Road since 1993, and here reflects on his life and the changes he has seen.</p>\n\n<p>“My name is Noorul Islam. I came to this country in 1967 [from Sylhet in East Pakistan]. I was 14 and a half at that time, I came to live at 14 Settles Street in 1974.</p>\n\n<p>It was a five-storey house, and at that time all the Bangladeshis were single people, they didn’t bring their families to this country, and they used to live together in one house… Every room, two person used to share, so 10 [rooms], it would have been 20 [people]… Well, because we were living in one house, this is how we came to know each other. There were one or two person I used to know from my village. [The house] used to be owned by Jewish people, very rich people. They used to collect the rent from the landlord who used to come.</p>\n\n<p>For about two years, I was working for Savoy [hotel]. Then I changed my trade, started working in tailoring, as a machinist. [I worked in] many places. People used to change their job very frequently because it was available. Especially these machinists, they had a great demand there, so you can leave any job and [find another one] all in this area [Whitechapel / Spitalfields].</p>\n\n<p>The Jewish people, they used to own this place. Our Asian people, like Bangladeshis and the Pakistani or Indian people, they used to work for the Jewish people, Jewish firms. The main trade was in the control of the Jewish people. Indian people or the Bangladeshi people used to work directly in the factories or [if] the factory was owned by the Asian people, Bangladeshi people, the supplies used to be [by] Jewish people.</p>\n\n<p>Slowly gradually, these Asian people tried to expand their businesses and tried to do their own, establishing their own businesses and trade slowly, gradually…The Turkish people also started coming in, getting in to this trade. Jewish people, they moved out of this area, slowly. These are the changes I have witnessed.</p>\n\n<p><strong>Working in textiles</strong></p>\n\n<p>[We made] mainly ladies coats, long or short…[The coats would be made for] department stores. The department stores were owned by the rich people.. but cut, makes and trims are the things that used to be done by Asian people. Cuts, makes and trims. This is, to call it shorter, CMT.</p>\n\n<p>I used to work for the factories, especially our own country's people. Then with three partners with me, we established a small tailoring factory [in 1974 on Brick Lane]. We had the material from the other manufacturers. They used to cut it. We used to just bring those materials and sew it and make the shell of it, not complete because we didn't have enough money or enough place. We used to just make the shell of that.</p>\n\n<p>[We] rented a place, and also rented machines from the machine shop. Rented, because we were not able to buy it and own it. I was doing it until 1989. That many years, you know? Then we changed from clothing to leather. Again, we used to work for a Jewish person, big boss. He used to supply the leather and we used to cut, make and trim.</p>\n\n<p><strong>Finding adequate housing</strong></p>\n\n<p>In 1974, we moved [into a house] just behind the little bridge across Brick Lane. They were crammed houses, very old, and they were cheap. With rats-- I'm sorry to say, big, big rats. I really became ill because of that. I did get TB [in 1980]. I was treated in Mile End Hospital for a couple of years, you know? I stayed in the hospital for three weeks. They planned to send me outside of London for recovery, I said no, please do not send me outside because I will get no visitor, no family, no friends. So they said ok as you are living on your own.</p>\n\n<p>I got an accommodation from Newland Housing Trust [in 1980]. They provided me the property, a bedsitter apartment, number 11 Albert Cottages. They refurbished it. I was there for one year, suffering because of that very poor living conditions. I'm describing everything [to show what] this community went through, so you get this picture.</p>\n\n<p>From there, I bring my wife. Newland Housing Trust re-housed me in Folgate Street. It was in 1980. Then I started getting children. I got three daughters, that was a one-bedroom flat. We were overcrowded, so they offered me another property in same street, but it was a house, a three-storey house, three bedrooms. From 1980 till 1993 I was there. Then 1993, again it was overcrowded because I have many children. Seven children I have.</p>\n\n<p>Seven children. Three bedroom house. Not enough. They got me this five bedroom house [on New Road]. It was five story. ..It’s quite good to live in. Beautiful. Ground floor, the living room, one bedroom. In the basement, only the kitchen, the dining, the washroom and one lovely sink with the shower. First floor, two bedrooms. Second floor, two bedrooms and one bathroom and toilet. Garden at the back. Garden at the front. [When we moved in it was] refurbished. I think it used to be a business place, the whole building. I think it was a tailoring business.</p>\n\n<p>…</p>\n\n<p>[My children] live around [here]. Only one of my daughter got married in Birmingham. Unfortunately she passed away about six years ago.</p>\n\n<p>Well in 1989, I stopped my business. Then started to work for other people, same trade but for other people. And I did work up to 2004 in tailoring and then I started working for a firm called \"A1 Furniture\" that is owned by a Jewish person. I worked for them up to 2012..[then] got redundancy and then I didn't work after that.</p>\n\n<p><strong>About changes in Whitechapel</strong></p>\n\n<p>Well I have seen many changes [in Whitechapel] for example there used to be so many slum houses, very poor education. Because Bangladeshis [were an] ethnic minority, there was not much care about these people. That's what the community leaders was fighting for it. Why this racism is going on, all these good houses is being given to the White people. ..All these issues they used to [raise].</p>\n\n<p>[There was] racial harassment as well. Skinheads in 1974, 75. In 1973 Brick Lane used to be attacked by groups of youths. They used to come every Sunday. Every Sunday they used to come and they used to stab people in the street. Punching people, many sorts of attacks. These poor Bangladeshi people, what they can do? The empty milk bottles in crates they used to throw. These sort of things used to go on, and all these fights you know was going on.</p>\n\n<p>I forgot what year it was, the Bangladesh community started thinking \"we should do something about it to get our own rights.\" They decided to put one candidate, independent candidate for the councillor. [In Spitalfields especially, behind] every single door [lived] Bangladeshi people, every single, hardly maybe one or two people [from] different communities. White is very hard to see in that area. …So they decided to put one [independent] candidate it was 1984 or 85, we put one Asian candidate, and the vote was hundred percent vote into that box, even Labour party failed because every single Bangladeshi vote [went] to that candidiate. Now the authority was concerned, \"Oh, we were thinking to put them in one place and give them poor education.\" Whatever the racism was there, who knows.</p>\n\n<p>Now they start giving people support in Stepney Green, Mile End, Bow, Docklands. They started spreading [people out] and they started bringing other community people into the area, because of the racism..</p>\n\n<p>So this is how Whitechapel changed, especially housing. They said no inch should be left without being developed, every single inch of the city is developed, and this is what is taking place at least I think.</p>\n\n<p>[My children] They are staying here. They're born here, brought up here. Well for a religious person they got educated in that environment, they are born here and their mentality, their community everything is [here].”</p>\n\n<p>Noorul Islam was in conversation with Shahed Saleem on 17.08.17 on New Road</p>\n",
"created": "2018-02-05",
"last_edited": "2018-05-09"
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{
"id": 540,
"title": "Vallance Gardens (former Quakers' Burial Ground)",
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"body": "<p>By 1670 Edmund White, a London merchant, held a large property in the vicinity of what was soon to become Baker’s Row (Vallance Road) and development was afoot. A quadrilateral of about an acre, corresponding to all but the western and northern parts of Vallance Gardens, was taken from White in 1683 on a 110-year lease. The Society of Friends’ Six Weeks Meeting acquired the lease in 1687 for the formation of what came to be known as Whitechapel Quaker Burial Ground. Twenty trees were planted round the perimeter in 1690, and the ground was levelled in 1698. Quaker burials had no monuments. A few associated houses were built alongside and the property was walled in stages by 1743 when a new 500-year lease was secured. The cemetery was enlarged southwards by the 1790s, an extension that was built over soon after the burial ground closed in 1857.</p>\n\n<p>In this disused ground, now a rare empty space in the area, a large mission tent was erected in 1864. William Booth took charge of the mission a year later and launched what was to become the Salvation Army. In 1879–80 Henrietta Barnett, working through the Kyrle Society’s Open Space Committee (forerunner of the National Trust) and a lease to the Whitechapel Board of Works, arranged for the burial ground to be adapted to be a park for children – Baker’s Row Recreation Ground, from 1896 Vallance Road Recreation Ground. The site was landscaped with serpentine paths, the northern line of which remains marked by a row of plane trees, and given a long shed along the south side for a covered playground (removed in 2002). Two drinking fountains, a gable-topped pillar and a font-like granite bowl given by the Metropolitan Drinking Fountain and Cattle Trough Association, remain in place.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>Significant Second World War bomb damage north and west of the recreation ground led to its enlargement. In 1960 a stone sundial with a bronze plaque, designed by W. H. Charles, architect, was installed, with replanting by Stepney Council. Thereafter the gardens were beset by anti-social behaviour and the sundial disappeared sometime after 1990.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>Relandscaping in 2002–3 for Tower Hamlets Council in connection with adjacent housing development gave the park the sense of a garden square. It gained a northern playground, new planting and railings with ornamental openwork, including iron roundels devised with pupils from Swanlea School.[^3]</p>\n\n<p>On what was the south side of a northern arm of Thomas Street (Lomas Street since 1970), at what is now the north-east corner of the gardens, was Whitechapel Workhouse’s Male Casual Ward, which replaced seven houses and stood from the 1860s to the 1950s. Jack London described his time staying here. Much the greater part of the workhouse, largely built 1856–60, was across Thomas Street, in Mile End New Town. However, its imbecile or lunatic ward to the rear with a mortuary, also fell in Whitechapel parish. Its cramped, airless situation was criticised and improvement works were carried out in 1888–9.[^4] Through the same period the Grasshopper public house was at 72 Baker’s Row, on the south side of the Thomas Street corner.[^5]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives (hereafter THLHLA), P/RIV/1/15/3/3; P/MIS/405/1/1; L/WBW/13/16: William Beck and T. Frederick Ball, <em>The London Friends’ Meetings: Showing the Rise of the Society of Friends in London etc</em>, 1869, pp. 334–5: John Rocque's map, 1746: Richard Horwood's maps 1799 and 1813: Ordnance Survey maps 1873 and 1894: <em>The Builder</em>, 3 July 1880, p. 1: District Surveyors Returns: see also Leanne Newman’s post on this website - surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/1467/detail/#history</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: Salvation Army Archives, GEN/5/1/9: <em>East End News</em>, 17 June 1960: <em>East London Advertiser</em>, 15 Oct 1976: THLHLA, photographs</p>\n\n<p>[^3]: London Gardens Online</p>\n\n<p>[^4]: THLHLA, L/SMB/G/1/39: ed. F. H. W. Sheppard, <em>Survey of London</em>, vol. 27: <em>Spitalfields</em>, 1957, p. 286: Jack London, <em>The People of the Abyss</em>, 1903: <em>The Builder</em>, 23 June 1866, p. 457; 16 and 23 June 1888, pp. 439,457: District Surveyors Returns: http://www.workhouses.org.uk/Whitechapel </p>\n\n<p>[^5]: Historic England Archives, AL2384/048/01</p>\n",
"created": "2018-01-03",
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"title": "Great Garden Street Synagogue in the Nineties",
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"body": "<p>There was a lovely, small congregation here in the early nineties. I first went in 1990. I didn't live in the area till much later. I was a stranger from North London, and they made me very welcome. I was then around 30, and the youngest man there by about 20 years, and below the average age by a heck of a lot more.</p>\n\n<p>It was already a sad but proud relic of a vibrant community. All the East End synagogues were in similar position and slowly amalgamating. Stepney had just closed and a couple of their old boys came. It still had its own rabbi then. Just. But the nearby lunch club was about to close, the last East End kosher food venue. There was a plaque up to the chap who had been synagogue president for about 30 years. It broke his heart to see the place decline. As I say, they were a proud lot, I was told the place was the cathedral of the East End synagogues.</p>\n\n<p>There was a strong move of Jews to the suburbs to north west London and to Essex even from before the war. Those that remained by the nineties tended to be older, poorer and less likely to be family men. It is a lasting regret that I didn’t explore the area when I first came to London in 1984, I’m sure there would have been much more to it.</p>\n",
"created": "2017-07-07",
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"title": "4 Cable Street",
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"body": "<p>4 Cable Street was refronted plainly and otherwise partially rebuilt in 1898 for E. K. Bridger by J. T. Curtis & Sons. Its first occupant thereafter was Luigi Arpino, a confectioner. Outfitters followed and in 2019 it houses Cirilo, a Filipino restaurant.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: London Metropolitan Archives, District Surveyors Returns: The National Archives, IR58/84822/3957: Post Office Directories</p>\n",
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"body": "<p>By the early 21st century Toynbee Hall was once again questioning the financial viability of its activities, in the context of a historic inner London building, Grade II Listed since 1973, surrounded by buildings that had accrued piecemeal in the second half of the 20th century.</p>\n\n<p>The decision was made in 2013 to redevelop its estate at a cost of £17m, partly from borrowing, partly by fundraising (Heritage Lottery Fund, the National Lottery, the Garfield West Foundation and the Coutts Foundation, the principal benefactors) and partly by a partnership with a private developer, to take a lease on the sites of Attlee and Sunley Houses and College East, by then leased to One Housing, and rebuild them as mixed tenure housing and offices.[^1] The scheme is forecast to enable Toynbee Hall to increase the number of those it can assist, with legal and debt advice, wellbeing, notably for the elderly, and education in a year by fifty per cent, to 20,000.[^2]</p>\n\n<p>The initial scheme prepared by CMA Planning consultants with Richard Griffiths conservation architects, approved in March 2015, proposed restoring and extending Toynbee Hall, altering rather than demolishing Attlee House, building two extra floors on top of Profumo House, and adding a new building on the north side of Mallon Gardens adjoining No. 38 Commercial Street.</p>\n\n<p>The first works in 2016-18, with <a href=\"http://www.thomas-sinden.co.uk/projects/toynbee-hall/\">Thomas Sinden</a> as main contractors, were to Toynbee Hall itself, by then somewhat scruffy and with ad hoc partitions and fire doors in many rooms. As well as restoring the fabric, notably Hoole’s leaf-roundel staircase balusters which had shed a lot of leaves over the years, the scheme replaced single-storey 1970s additions to the rear housing kitchens, WCs and an archive room, with a two-storey addition in brick matching the original building, attached to the existing building by a top-lit corridor, which on the ground floor features a permanent exhibition about Toynbee Hall’s history. This aimed to improve access and circulation, the ground floor intended for conferences, education and functions, with breakout rooms off the Ashbee Room (the former dining room), and another multi-purpose room, clad in painted matchboarding in place of the 1970s kitchen on the west side.</p>\n\n<p>The new west elevation has four striking double-pitched gables with bronze-finish zinc cladding behind a full-width balcony off a new first-floor rear room. </p>\n\n<p>Two staff flats for were created on the first and second floors. A new more visible entrance, in place of that directly into the lecture room, led into what had been student sitting rooms on the ground floor. Upstairs later additions were removed, and the small student rooms opened up into larger, more usable spaces, though retaining the original corner fireplaces which bring a curiously Cubist articulation to the rooms.</p>\n\n<p>A distinction was made in the decoration of the relatively untouched historic portions, which feature deeper ‘Victorian shades’, and the pale new and newly created spaces. During works the Ziegler murals from the lecture rooms were discovered in situ, the boards on which they had been painted merely turned round during previous works, probably in the 1970s. They are in store pending conservation and reinstatement. Toynbee Hall’s refurbishment was completed in July 2018. </p>\n\n<p>A revised scheme for the rest of the site was approved in 2016 with London Square developers, founded in 2010, as the partner for constructing the flats: the building next to 38 Commercial Street was omitted and a new building, five floors with a top-floor setback replicating the Profumo Building’s colonnade, to house offices and the Toynbee advice service, was proposed for the site of Profumo House.</p>\n\n<p>The flats, like the new Profumo House, to the designs of Platform5 architects in collaboration with David Hughes Architects, roughly follow the footprints of <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/377/detail/\">Attlee House</a>, <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/380/detail/\">College East</a> and <a href=\"https://surveyoflondon.org/map/feature/382/detail/#sunley-house\">Sunley House</a>, demolished in 2016, with the exception of the retained frontage of College Buildings, which was retained once again. </p>\n\n<p>The new flats, with Togher Construction Ltd as main contractor, are five and six storeys on the Wentworth Street frontage, whose façade mimics the rhythm of College Buildings, with three-window-wide sections alternately four and five storeys high, the whole with a set-back fully glazed sixth floor, further articulation achieved through different shades of facing brick from beige to black, recessed balconies on the Wentworth Street frontage and projecting balconies on the four-storey Gunthorpe Street frontage.[^3]</p>\n\n<p>The scheme is increasingly unusual, though appropriate to Toynbee Hall’s ethos, in fully integrating the affordable housing (14 flats out of 63) into the scheme, though the names of the blocks – Leadenhall (Attlee site), Billingsgate (College East) and Broadway (Sunley) indicate the City-focused aspirations of the developer. Mallon Gardens is to be landscaped level with the street for the first time ‘as the centre of a model urban village with a strong physical and visual relationship to the heritage asset and the wider Toynbee Estate’. The project is scheduled to complete 2019. </p>\n\n<p>[^1]: All information from Tower Hamlets planning applications online (THP)</p>\n\n<p>[^2]: <a href=\"http://www.toynbeehall.org.uk/\">http://www.toynbeehall.org.uk/</a></p>\n\n<p>[^3]: <a href=\"https://platform5architects.com/project/toynbee-hall\">https://platform5architects.com/project/toynbee-hall</a>: <a href=\"https://www.dharchitects.co.uk/toynbee-hall\">https://www.dharchitects.co.uk/toynbee-hall</a>: <a href=\"http://londonsquare.co.uk/developments/detail/spitalfields\">http://londonsquare.co.uk/developments/detail/spitalfields</a></p>\n\n<p> </p>\n",
"created": "2018-12-30",
"last_edited": "2021-05-04"
},
{
"id": 534,
"title": "2–34 Brick Lane ",
"author": {
"id": 2,
"username": "surveyoflondon"
},
"feature": {
"id": 176,
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"properties": {
"b_number": "2",
"b_name": "",
"street": "Brick Lane",
"address": "S Karir and Sons Ltd, 2 Brick Lane",
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"body": "<p>The southern stretch of Brick Lane in the parish of Whitechapel was solidly built up with small houses in the middle decades of the seventeenth century. By the 1780s the Three Compasses public house was on the site of 2 Brick Lane, on the Old Montague Street corner. It had gone by 1919 when there were plans for a large cinema development on the site and up to Finch Street, but these came to nothing. Instead, 2–24 Brick Lane were rebuilt in the 1920s by William Barford. An early occupant of No. 2 in the 1930s was Morris Bloom, a Lithuaninan immigrant ‘sausage manufacturer’, expanding from his first premises further north on Brick Lane, and before Blooms gained renown for kosher dining on Wentworth Street and Whitechapel High Street. Further north there had been rebuilding in the years around 1900, including by Davis Brothers at Nos 32–34. Nos 2–12 were cleared after bomb damage, and lesser damage further north was repaired. The present group of buildings at 2–12 Brick Lane and 1–5 Old Montague Street was early post-war reconstruction, built around 1955 with plain brick elevations in three and four storeys for flats over shops. The development incorporated 2 Hopetown Street as a reconstructed survival from William Barford’s development of the 1920s.[^1]</p>\n\n<p>[^1]: District Surveyors Returns: Post Office Directories: Tower Hamlets planning applications online]</p>\n",
"created": "2018-01-02",
"last_edited": "2020-08-18"
}
]
}